Selected Letters

List of Illustrations

The Letters and Their Texts

Abbreviations

Introduction

SELECTED LETTERS

August 1816 to March 1817
Commitment to Poetry

To C. C. Clarke September 1816

C. C. Clarke 9 October 1816

C. C. Clarke (‘On the first looking into Chapman’s Homer’) 26(?) October 1816

C. C. Clarke 31 October 1816

B. R. Haydon 20 November 1816

C. C. Clarke 17 December 1816

J. H. Reynolds 9 March 1817

J. H. Reynolds 17 March 1817

April to November 1817
Drafting Endymion

To George and Tom Keats 15 April 1817

J. H. Reynolds 17, 18 April 1817

Leigh Hunt 10 May 1817

B. R. Haydon 10, 11 May 1817

Taylor and Hessey 16 May 1817

Taylor and Hessey 10 June 1817

Jane and Marianne Reynolds 4 September 1817

J. H. Reynolds 4(?) September 1817

Fanny Keats 10 September 1817

J. H. Reynolds 21 September 1817

B. R. Haydon 28 September 1817

Benjamin Bailey 8 October 1817

Benjamin Bailey 28, 29–30 October 1817

Benjamin Bailey 3 November 1817

Benjamin Bailey 22 November 1817

J. H. Reynolds 22 November 1817

December 1817 to June 1818
London and Teignmouth

To George and Tom Keats 21, 27(?) December 1817

George and Tom Keats 5 January 1818

B. R. Haydon 10 January 1818

George and Tom Keats 13, 19 January 1818

B. R. Haydon 23 January 1818

John Taylor 23 January 1818

Benjamin Bailey 23 January 1818

George and Tom Keats 23, 24 January 1818

John Taylor 30 January 1818

George and Tom Keats 30 January 1818

J. H. Reynolds 31 January 1818

J. H. Reynolds 3 February 1818

George and Tom Keats 14(?) February 1818

J. H. Reynolds 19 February 1818

George and Tom Keats 21 February 1818

John Taylor 27 February 1818

Benjamin Bailey 13 March 1818

J. H. Reynolds 14 March 1818

James Rice 24 March 1818

J. H. Reynolds 25 March 1818

B. R. Haydon 8 April 1818

J. H. Reynolds 9 April 1818

J. H. Reynolds 17 April 1818

John Taylor 24 April 1818

J. H. Reynolds 27 April 1818

J. H. Reynolds 3 May 1818

Benjamin Bailey 21, 25 May 1818

Benjamin Bailey 10 June 1818

John Taylor 21 June 1818

25 June to 6 August 1818
‘Scotch Letters’

To Tom Keats 25–27 June 1818

George and Georgiana Keats 27, 28 June 1818

Tom Keats 29 June, 1, 2 July 1818

Fanny Keats 2, 3, 5 July 1818

Tom Keats 3, 5, 7, 9 July 1818

[Fanny Keats, continued, 3, 5 July 1818]

[Tom Keats, continued, 5, 7, 9 July 1818]

Tom Keats 10, 11, 13, 14 July 1818

J. H. Reynolds 11, 13 July 1818

[Tom Keats, continued, 13, 14 July 1818]

Tom Keats 17, 18, 20, 21 July 1818

Benjamin Bailey 18, 22 July 1818

[Tom Keats, continued, 18, 20, 21 July 1818]

[Benjamin Bailey, continued, 22 July 1818]

Tom Keats 23, 26 July 1818

Tom Keats 3, 6 August 1818

Mrs Ann Wylie 6 August 1818

18 August to 1 December 1818
Well Walk

To Fanny Keats 19 August 1818

C. W. Dilke 20, 21 September 1818

J. H. Reynolds 22(?) September 1818

James Hessey 8 October 1818

George and Georgiana Keats 14, 16, 21, 24, 31 October 1818

Fanny Keats 16 October 1818

[George and Georgiana Keats, continued, 16, 21, 24 October 1818]

Fanny Keats 26 October 1818

Richard Woodhouse 27 October 1818

[George and Georgiana Keats, concluded, 31 October 1818]

James Rice 24 November 1818

Fanny Keats 1 December 1818

December 1818 to 27 June 1819
Wentworth Place

To Mrs Charlotte Reynolds 15(?) December 1818

George and Georgiana Keats 16, 17, 18, 22, 29(?), 31 December 1818, 2–4 January 1819

B. R. Haydon 22 December 1818

[George and Georgiana Keats, continued, 22, 29(?), 31 December 1818, 2–4 January 1819]

B. R. Haydon 10(?) January 1819

Fanny Keats 11 February 1819

George and Georgiana Keats 14, 19 February, 3(?), 12, 13, 17, 19 March, 15, 16, 21, 30 April, 4, 5 May 1819

B. R. Haydon 18(?) February 1819

[George and Georgiana Keats, continued, 19 February 1819]

Fanny Keats 27 February 1819

[George and Georgiana Keats, continued, 3(?) March 1819]

B. R. Haydon 8 March 1819

[George and Georgiana Keats, continued, 12 March 1819]

Fanny Keats 13 March 1819

[George and Georgiana Keats, continued, 13, 17, 19 March 1819]

Joseph Severn 29 March 1819

Fanny Keats 31 March 1819

Fanny Keats 12 April 1819

B. R. Haydon 13 April 1819

[George and Georgiana Keats, continued, 15, 16, 21, 30 April 1819]

Fanny Keats 1 May(?) 1819

[George and Georgiana Keats, concluded, 4, 5 May 1819]

Mary-Ann Jeffery 31 May 1819

Mary-Ann Jeffery 9 June 1819

Fanny Keats 9 June 1819

Fanny Keats 17 June 1819

28 June to 8 October 1819
Shanklin and Winchester

To Fanny Brawne 1 July 1819

Fanny Keats 6 July 1819

Fanny Brawne 8 July 1819

J. H. Reynolds 11 July 1819

Fanny Brawne 15(?) July 1819

Fanny Brawne 25 July 1819

C. W. Dilke 31 July 1819

Fanny Brawne 5, 6 August 1819

Benjamin Bailey 14 August 1819

Fanny Brawne 16 August 1819

Keats and Charles Brown to John Taylor 23 August 1819

J. H. Reynolds 24 August 1819

Fanny Keats 28 August 1819

John Taylor 31 August 1819

James Hessey 5 September 1819

John Taylor 5 September 1819

Fanny Brawne 13 September 1819

George and Georgiana Keats 17, 18, 20, 24, 25, 27 September 1819

J. H. Reynolds 21 September 1819

Richard Woodhouse 21, 22 September 1819

Charles Brown 22 September 1819

[Richard Woodhouse, continued, 22 September 1819]

C. W. Dilke 22 September 1819

Charles Brown 23 September 1819

[George and Georgiana Keats, concluded, 24–27 September 1819]

C. W. Dilke 1 October 1819

B. R. Haydon 3 October 1819

10 October 1819 to January 1820
Wentworth Place

To Fanny Brawne 11 October 1819

Fanny Brawne 13 October 1819

Fanny Brawne 19 October 1819

Fanny Keats 26(?) October 1819

Joseph Severn 10 November 1819

George and Georgiana Keats 12 November 1819

Joseph Severn 15 November 1819

John Taylor 17 November 1819

James Rice December 1819

Fanny Keats 20 December 1819

Georgiana Keats 13, 15, 17, 28 January 1820

28 January to September 1820
Illness, Fanny Brawne, and Lamia, Isabella,
The Eve of St Agnes, and Other Poems

To Fanny Brawne 4(?) February 1820

Fanny Keats 6 February 1820

Fanny Keats 8 February 1820

Fanny Brawne 10(?) February 1820

Fanny Brawne February(?) 1820

Fanny Keats 14 February 1820

James Rice 14, 16 February 1820

Fanny Brawne February(?) 1820

Fanny Brawne 24(?) February 1820

Fanny Brawne 27(?) February 1820

J. H. Reynolds 28 February 1820

Fanny Brawne 28(?) February 1820

Fanny Brawne 29(?) February 1820

Fanny Brawne 1 March(?) 1820

C. W. Dilke 4 March 1820

Fanny Brawne March(?) 1820

Fanny Keats 20 March 1820

Fanny Brawne March(?) 1820

Mrs Ann Wylie 24(?) March 1820

Fanny Keats 1 April 1820

Fanny Keats 12 April 1820

Fanny Brawne April(?) 1820

Fanny Keats 21 April 1820

Fanny Keats 4 May 1820

Charles Brown 15 May 1820

Fanny Brawne May(?) 1820

Fanny Brawne late May/early June 1820

Fanny Brawne June(?) 1820

John Taylor 11(?) June 1820

Charles Brown c. 16 June 1820

Fanny Keats 23 June 1820

Fanny Brawne 25(?) June 1820

Fanny Brawne 4 July(?) 1820

Fanny Keats 5 July 1820

Fanny Keats 22 July 1820

Fanny Brawne August(?) 1820

Fanny Keats 13 August 1820

John Taylor 13 August 1820

Leigh Hunt 13(?) August 1820

John Taylor 14 August 1820

Charles Brown 14 August 1820

P. B. Shelley 16 August 1820

Charles Brown August(?) 1820

Fanny Keats 23 August 1820

Fanny Keats 11 September 1820

18 September 1820 to 23 February 1821
The Maria Crowther and Italy

To Charles Brown 30 September 1820

Mrs Frances Brawne 24(?) October 1820

Charles Brown 1, 2 November 1820

Charles Brown 30 November 1820

Chronology of Keats’s Life

Keats’s Correspondents

Permissions

Acknowledgements

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Introduction

In a period of great letter-writing, Keats’s letters are outstanding. They begin in late summer 1816, as he approached his twenty-first birthday, and were written over the next four years. His letters give the fullest and most poignant record we have of Keats’s ambitions and hopes as a poet, his life as a literary man about town, his close relationship with his brothers and young sister, and, later, his passionate, jealous and frustrated love for Fanny Brawne.

His tragically early death from the family disease, tuberculosis, in Rome on 23 February 1821, aged twenty-five, was followed only six months later by the publication of P. B. Shelley’s elegy Adonais. This depicts Keats’s cruelly compressed career as a prototype of the young Romantic genius, unrecognized and cut off in his prime by the vituperatively partisan attacks of Blackwood’s Magazine’s Tory reviewers. It is a sentimental misconception, but one which still has popular force.

The letters, the closest we have to an autobiographical account of Keats’s development as a poet and a man, tell a very different story, that of an intensely sociable person, going to the theatre or to William Hazlitt’s lectures, visiting galleries, the British Museum and exhibitions, playing cards late into the night or enjoying parties, ‘claret feasts’ and musical evenings, staying with his friends Benjamin Bailey in Oxford and James Rice in the Isle of Wight, travelling with Charles Brown through the Highlands, dining with friends and acquaintances like the Dilkes and his publishers, or attending B. R. Haydon’s ‘immortal dinner’. Keats himself confessed he ‘could not live without the love of my friends’. He was almost always in company. For the larger part of the time covered by these letters Keats shared lodgings, first with his brothers in the City of London before they moved to 1 Well Walk in Hampstead, and later with Charles Brown at Wentworth Place, or he stayed with other friends.

More than most letters, Keats’s seem to echo his conversation – volatile and impetuous, eagerly buttonholing his audience, moving like quicksilver from recording his everyday life to profound reflections on the nature of poetry or the imagination and back again to quotidian reality. They are a literary achievement in their own right, equal to the poems. Letters freed Keats from his anxieties about the expectations of the reading public, which, following the hostile reception of Poems (1817), dogged the writing of his poems. Addressed to his close friends or family, these letters allowed him to relax, entertain, experiment, memorialize, speculate, pun and make jokes. In his letters he could indulge his talent for light verse in the nonsense poems and extemporary verses he wrote for his sister and male friends. He could escape from the solitary pressures of composition, secure in his knowledge of his audience’s interest and support. Where his published poetry – or (his word) ‘Poesy’ – rarely admits the colloquial or everyday, his letters are full of the language of day-to-day life in Regency England. They deploy an extraordinary range of linguistic and tonal registers, ranging from slang, wordplay and bawdy puns to his speculative explorations of the ‘holiness of the Heart’s affections’ or life as a ‘vale of Soul-making’. They are full of different voices and texts – reports of conversations by or stories about people he knew, quotations from other writers, or sometimes long passages copied out from Shakespeare, Burton or Hazlitt. These are mixed in with copies of his own poems or drafts of work in progress, along with references to other letters he has written or failed to write, or ones he has received. The variety of voices and texts jostling for place alongside one another is a key source of the letters’ animated vitality. They are written fluently and with minimal revision, which makes their eloquence and intelligence all the more remarkable.

Very few of the letters written to Keats survive. The intertextual nature of Keats’s own letters makes this is a very material loss. For example, the full force of Keats’s speculations on ‘the poetical Character’ is best understood in the light of Richard Woodhouse’s letter which prompted them.¹ In other cases, like Keats’s letter to J. H. Reynolds about his ‘Robin Hood’ poem, it is possible to reconstruct the essentials of the exchange. Those letters that do exist show his friends’ generous and sympathetic understanding of the nature of his pre-eminence.²

Most of Keats’s extant letters were preserved by his family, by Fanny Brawne, and by the group of friends (all men) he met in autumn 1816 or 1817, when he gave up medicine for poetry. The latter group includes several who became his most important correspondents. His brother George seems to have introduced Keats to William Haslam, through whom he met the young artist Joseph Severn when he was first at Guy’s Hospital in 1815. But it was Cowden Clarke’s introduction of Keats to Leigh Hunt at his Hampstead home which established the most important of Keats’s other male friendships and future correspondents. Hunt’s artistic and literary circle included William Hazlitt, Charles Lamb, the painter B. R. Haydon, all like Hunt a generation older. Keats quickly realized the danger of being seen as ‘Hunt’s elevé’ (sic). There is only a single letter, self-consciously literary, to Hunt, written in May 1817, and a brief apologetic note from the summer of 1820. And although Keats remained part of Hunt’s literary circle, the only member with whom he had a sustained correspondence was Haydon. But Hunt also introduced Keats to J. H. Reynolds, only a year older than Keats and already a published poet and journalist. Reynolds, in turn, introduced Keats to his own group of friends – Benjamin Bailey, James Rice, Charles Dilke, and his own publishers, John Taylor and James Hessey, whose lawyer and literary adviser was Richard Woodhouse. Keats probably met another friend of Reynolds, Charles Brown, while visiting Dilke. Apart from the correspondence with his brothers, it was to these men that Keats was to write his most significant and revealing letters.

The people Keats met through Hunt and Reynolds were mostly older men in their thirties, with established careers in the arts or publishing, or were professional men with strong literary interests. It is striking that all of them, whether older or his contemporaries, immediately recognized Keats’s unusual intelligence and passionate commitment to poetry. And it was the confident and consistent belief of his friends and brothers in his genius which gave Keats the freedom in these letters to pursue his ‘speculations’ on the nature of poetry and human nature or about politics and history.

Keats clearly had a gift for friendship. Fanny Brawne thought him ‘the last person to exert himself to gain people’s friendship’, yet, as she told his sister immediately after he had left for Italy, ‘I cannot tell you … how much he is liked’, adding ‘I am certain he has some spell that attaches them to him.’³ The nature of that ‘spell’ is clear from his letters, which always seek to reach out across space and time to their recipients. ‘I wish I knew always the humour my friends would be in at opening a letter of mine, to suit it to them nearly as possible.’

Keats always writes with a particular reader in mind. To Haydon he writes with excited vulnerability about their shared artistic ambitions and desire for fame; to his teenaged sister as a protective elder brother; to his brothers and later to George and his wife in America, as a young man about town, but also confiding in them his hopes and fears and his developing thoughts on the nature of poetry; to J. H. Reynolds he writes to amuse him when convalescing or as a fellow poet. Keats wanted his readers to imagine when he was writing and from where, linking them into his circle by giving them news of other friends, family members or correspondents, as well as of his own doings. Keats’s multi-voiced letters are one side of an ongoing conversation between writer and readers.

The improvisatory nature of the letters enables Keats to move quickly from reporting the everyday to his most challenging reflections on the nature of poetry, and then, ‘content with half knowledge’, to turn back to his latest news or ‘town talk’. Yet the letters’ playfulness – one idea striking off another – is part of a performance, one meant to amuse as well as engage his readers. The vividness with which he describes himself sitting in Wentworth Place late in the evening of 12 March 1819 writing to George and Georgiana in America is in part a strategy to overcome, imaginatively, the chronological and geographical distance which separates them:

[…] the candles are burnt down and I am using the wax taper—which has a long snuff on it—the fire is at its last click—I am sitting with my back to it with one foot rather askew upon the rug and the other with the heel a little elevated from the carpet—I am writing this on the Maid’s tragedy which I have read since tea with Great pleasure—Besides this volume of Beaumont & Fletcher—there are on the tabl[e] two volumes of chaucer and a new work of Tom Moores call’d ‘Tom Cribb’s memorial to Congress—nothing in it—These are trifles—but I require nothing so much of you as that you will give me a like description of yourselves, however it may be when you are writing to me—[…] God bless you—I whisper good night in your ears and you will dream of me—

This tender and moving message is at the same time a portrait of the poet as a young man. On this occasion Keats paints a relaxed domestic picture of the writer’s life, but elsewhere he reports on his London literary life, copies samples of work in progress, gives his opinions of other writers, past and present, or discusses his hopes or otherwise of financial success. Keats’s depiction of his life as an author offered reassurance to George and Georgiana. Given his own and their parlous financial situations and his anxieties about their new life in America, it was essential that his journal letters should convince them of his continuing progress as a writer, and of his hopes of success. But more generally, Keats’s self-representation of himself as a writer in his letters, whether to family, friends or publishers, was a matter of both self-exploration and self-validation. Or, as Keats said of Adam’s dream, ‘he awoke and found it truth’. The letters present Keats as how he wished to be seen and as what he hoped to become.

There is, in consequence, a risk of seeing only the most generous and optimistic side of Keats, remarkable for his ‘mature masculinity’, as in Lionel Trilling’s influential essay ‘The Poet as Hero: Keats in his Letters’.⁴ That is the self-image Keats projected to his brother and sister-in-law, as they struggled to make their way in America. In fact, Keats was subject to extreme swings of emotion. As he admitted to Haydon, he suffered from ‘a horrid Morbidity of Temperament’, recurrent periods of self-doubt alternating with bouts of intense excitement. One such bout is his six hour ‘rhodomontade’ (sic) on Sunday, 12 September 1819, which held Woodhouse riveted between breakfast and catching his coach for Bath at three o’clock that afternoon.⁵ Similarly, in his attitude to sexuality, Keats could be notably sane (‘who shall say between Man and Woman which is the most delighted?’), but he could also be disconcertingly unbalanced. His annotation of Robert Burton’s account of sexual desire in the Anatomy of Melancholy (1621) reads: ‘Here is the old plague spot: the pestilence, the raw scrofula […] nothing disgraces me in my own eyes as much as being one of a race of eyes, nose and mouth beings […] who all from Plato to Wesley have always mingled goatish, winnyish, lustful love with the abstract adoration of the deity.’ And that polarized attitude is evident in the poetry, and makes its way into his most painful and private letters to Fanny Brawne.

There are significant differences between the letters which Keats wrote knowing that they would be circulated among family or friends, and those meant only for their recipient. His letters exist on a continuum running from the semi-public to the intensely personal. Family letters were shared or read aloud. The letters Keats sent to his brother Tom in Hampstead recording his northern walk were circulated among their friends, a way of ensuring that they kept in touch with his invalid brother – ‘Let any of my friends see my letters,’ he told Tom. He was ‘Content that probably three or four pair of eyes whose owners I am rather partial to will run over these lines’. Or, knowing that Reynolds and Woodhouse were to meet in Bath, Keats wrote to each separately, hoping that his ‘brace of letters’ would add to their ‘pleasant time together’, and expecting them to ‘interread’ one another’s letters. As he told Woodhouse, ‘I am still writing to Reynolds as well as yourself—As I say to George I am writing to you but at your Wife.’ In return he demanded that ‘you two must write me a letter apiece’. Letters of this kind are a mode of sociability in absentia. But unlike the promiscuity of print, where the author has no control over circulation, the letter-writer is in control of their immediate readership. Thus, the mutually admiring and self-exciting letters between himself and Haydon, known only because the painter preserved them in his diary, were certainly not intended for others. Similarly, the letters Keats wrote to Reynolds, setting a distance between their poetry and that of Leigh Hunt, were not meant for a wider readership. Nor was Keats’s advice to his sister on how best to handle the unkindness of the Abbey family and their dislike of Keats meant to reach the eyes of their guardian. The most intensely private of all Keats’s letters are those to Fanny Brawne, which remained completely unknown until their highly controversial publication in 1878. The emotions of some of those written after his haemorrhage in February 1820, like the two desperately unhappy letters he wrote to Charles Brown from Italy on 30 September and 1 November, are so nakedly unmediated that reading them feels perilously close to prurient intrusiveness.

Recent readings of Keats have stressed the extent to which his poetry responds directly and indirectly to contemporary politics. His letters follow closely the political issues of his day, largely seen through the prism of Leigh Hunt’s Examiner. Keats’s views are consistently progressive, and when in autumn 1819 he briefly considered turning to journalism for a living, he told Dilke that he hoped ‘to put a Mite of help to the Liberal side of the Question before I die’. Yet when Keats discusses the nature of truth in poetry or in art his focus is on timeless aesthetic value: ‘What the imagination seizes as Beauty must be truth—whether it existed before or not.’ Or, again, ‘I never can feel certain of any truth but from a clear perception of its Beauty.’ From ‘Sleep and Poetry’ onwards Keats hoped to write poetry which would merit ‘posterity’s award’, something ‘richer far’ than immediate popularity. His scorn for the contemporary reading public sprang from his pursuit of the ‘end and aim of Poesy’, the ‘vast idea’ which ‘ever rolls … before me’. Keats never escapes from the dilemma posed implicitly in ‘Ode to a Nightingale’ and explicitly in The Fall of Hyperion. Was he a mere ‘dreamer’ in a world ‘full of Misery and Heartbreak’ or a true poet, ‘a sage, / A humanist, physician to all men’, who ‘pours out a balm upon the world’? Keats’s assertion to his brother George, ‘I think I shall be among the English Poets after my death,’ voices his hopes of joining the pantheon of Elizabethan poets enjoying the ‘double immortality’ described in the ode ‘Bards of Passion and of Mirth’ (p. 292–3) – where they are imagined to have attained permanent fame in ‘Elysium’ while still partaking in an earthly life through the continued reading of their poetry.

Death on a Pale Horse‘camelion [] Poet’, who, in opposition to Wordsworth’s ‘egotistical sublime’, lives ‘in gusto, be it foul or fair, high or low, rich or poor, mean or elevated’ and takes ‘as much delight in conceiving an Iago as an Imogen’, identifies an essential difference between them. It is characteristic of the letters that these profound insights – to be much analysed by later critics – are dropped into the middle of details of his everyday life, and are never returned to again or developed systematically. Although, taken together, his ideas about poetry do describe a poetics and contain lasting insights into the nature of tragedy, they remain provisional, brilliant aperçus inviting further development. As Keats, half-jokingly, told Bailey, ‘Now my dear fellow I must once for all tell you I have not one Idea of the truth of any of my speculations—I shall never be a Reasoner because I care not to be in the right.’

As this account suggests, different readers, or the same reader at different times, come to Keats’s letters with differing expectations – for his ideas on poetry and the imagination, for their distinctive vitality, for what they tell us of his life and poetry, for his letters to Fanny Brawne, for their picture of Regency England, or as a literary achievement in themselves. Yet for Keats the letters constantly return to the question of whether or not his poetic ambitions, his hopes for fame, are justified. The letters are a self-representation of the young man as aspirant poet striving to earn a place with his predecessors, sometimes supremely confident, but often doubting himself.

Keats’s letters reached out towards his absent readers, both family and friends, imagining them as present, sharing his own concerns and interests. For later readers the letters invite us to participate retrospectively in that interchange and to reanimate Keats’s presence and voice. It is an interchange which assumes, flatteringly, that we, as much as the letters’ original readers, fully share Keats’s emotional intelligence and agility of mind.

NOTES

1 See pp. 260–61 below for extracts from Woodhouse’s letter of 21 October 1818.

2 Hyder E. Rollins’s 1958 edition (see The Letters and Their Texts) includes most of the known letters sent to Keats. Rollins’s The Keats Circle (1965) adds letters about Keats by his family, friends and publishers.

3 Letters of Fanny Brawne to Fanny Keats 1820–1824, ed. Fred Edgcumbe (London: Oxford University Press, 1936), pp. 2–3.

4 See The Opposing Self: Nine Essays in Criticism (New York: Viking Press, 1955), pp. 3–49, reprinted from his Introduction to The Selected Letters of John Keats (New York: Farrar, Straus and Young, 1951).

5 See Woodhouse’s letter to John Taylor (19, 20 September 1819) in Hyder E. Rollins’s The Letters of John Keats 1814–1821 (1958), II, pp. 162–5.

John Keats