CHAPTER ONE
Early American

Sonic Youth’s is a New York story; indeed, it couldn’t have happened anywhere else.

New York is surely America’s most famed, most fabled city. The symbol for so much of what the country believes it believes in, the Statue Of Liberty stands in New York’s harbour, upon a pedestal engraved with ‘The New Colossus’, poet Emma Lazarus’ sonnet immortalizing the promise of A Better Life for all who seek refuge at America’s shores: “Give me your tired, your poor, your huddled masses yearning to breathe free…”

It’s a city where that American Dream is played out, at perilously high stakes; a city of legendary success, infamous failure. Wall Street, Manhattan’s hub of financial activity, is synonymous with both 1929’s calamitous stock market crash (and the grim depression that followed) and the surfeit of aspirational excess that marked the “yuppie” era of the Eighties.

It’s a city of violent contrasts, great wealth and great poverty rubbing tense shoulders, the friction both productive and destructive. The sheer divergence of cultures and communities barely contained within its five boroughs is vital to the art created therein – art that has crucially shaped America’s cultural self-image – and yet, like San Francisco and New Orleans, New York is conspicuous and somehow suspect for the very multitudes it contains, for its cosmopolitan racial and gender make-up and for its liberal outlook, in stark contrast to the relative (perhaps imagined) conformity of the “mainstream” heartlands of America.

The violence enacted upon the city on September 11th 2001 united the country in sympathy for the wound New York sustained, and was used as motivation for the subsequent military actions in Afghanistan and Iraq, haemorrhaging lives and money with no clear end in sight (actions that the majority of New York’s citizens by no means support). Still, however, New York has a perceived exoticism, an otherness, which means it is often only reluctantly embraced by the rest of America. When the city was at its lowest financial ebb in the middle of the Seventies, on the cusp of bankruptcy, President Gerald Ford refused a federal bailout of New York’s debts, in part to appease those on the right wing of the country who wished to see the Big Apple punished for its perceived “sins”.

Woody Allen articulated this sensibility, this anxiety, in his 1977 Oscar-winning movie Annie Hall, subtitled “A Nervous Romance”. In conversation with his WASP-ish, soon-to-depart-for-California friend Rob, Allen’s character, comedian Alvy Singer, cites the failure of the country to come to New York’s aid as “anti-semitism… The rest of the country looks upon New York like we’re left-wing Communist, Jewish, homosexual, pornographers. I think of us that way, sometimes, and I live here.”¹

By no means threatening Hollywood’s status as prime locus of America’s movie industry, New York’s film-makers have nevertheless played a crucial role in shaping the country’s cinematic vocabulary, and defining its visual iconography. The camera has a seemingly unquenchable fascination for New York, and the camera loves the city: even in Martin Scorsese’s unflinching meditation upon the squalor of Seventies New York, Taxi Driver, the lens scanning the teeming midnight streets for the grime and filth cited in Travis Bickle’s acrid monologues can’t help but deliver a dreamy montage of lurid neon, with even a seedy porn cinema radiating a harsh, ugly beauty, a corroded glamour. Allen’s movies – his 1979 monochrome love letter to the city, Manhattan, in particular – posit New York as a cultural Mecca, his characters living out their neuroses against a backdrop of art galleries and cinemas and museums and night clubs, even, in Hannah And Her Sisters, a CBGBs-styled punk dive.

New York’s geography is indeed studded with cultural landmarks of all stripes, sizes and importance, locations where art “happened”, or still happens. Musicians arriving in the city can make pilgrimages to countless sites that resonate with historical importance. Bebop hatched from jam sessions between master musicians at Minton’s Playhouse in Harlem. Jimi Hendrix made his American debut at Café Wha? in Greenwich Village, while Gerde’s Folk City, in West Village, was the site of Bob Dylan’s first New York performance, in 1961. The Roxy in Chelsea was location for the breakdancing scenes in early hip-hop flick Beat Street. Harlem’s Apollo Theatre has been the proving ground for generations of black musicians, the body of James Brown, The Hardest Working Man In Showbiz, returning to the site of his greatest successes one last time before taking his final rest. The disco era played out on the dancefloors and in the bathrooms of Studio 54, Paradise Garage, and Mudd Club. Where the buildings themselves might no longer be standing, they still cast a shadow.

There’s a synergistic relationship between New York and the music it produces. The city inspires both the words and the noise composed by its citizens. The realities of life in New York’s impoverished housing projects shaped early social polemic in the form of Grandmaster Flash & The Furious Five’s ‘The Message’, while the shrieking din of the urban jungle was echoed and emulated and bested by the Bomb Squad’s productions for Public Enemy, turntables and samplers coaxing a dense squall of sirens, breakbeats and James Brown’s trademark grunt, blended with a backwards-sample of Miles Davis’ horn.

With great pride in their roots, rappers eulogise their neighbourhoods, composing elaborate rhymes celebrating allegiance to their particular corner of the city; not long after those epochal first block parties from whence hiphop sprang, rappers were playing out verbally pugilistic territorial beefs across tracks like ‘The Bridge’ and ‘South Bronx’, as Queensbridge’s Juice Crew and South Bronx’s Boogie Down Productions sparred for credit as hip-hop’s birthplace on their respective neighbourhoods’ behalf. The Wu Tang Clan wreathed their borough of Staten Island in a mysticism derived from imported kung fu movies – an aesthetic that surfaced in Jim Jarmusch’s urban samurai film Ghost Dog, scored by chief Wu gambino RZA – while Cannibal Ox painted life in the rotten core of the Big Apple as scenes from a violent, metaphysical comic book with their 2001 album The Cold Vein, their art transcending their environment but never escaping its mark.

Along with its native artists, the city attracts creatives the world over, drawn to the Big Apple’s rich cache of myth and legend, to the cultural energy crackling beneath the very paving stones of New York, billowing out of those iconic Manhattan manholes. The winding paths traced by the Beat Generation of poets across America, yielding epochal work drawing upon those travels, intersected early on in New York, leading lights William Burroughs, Jack Kerouac and Allen Ginsberg meeting there shortly after the Second World War.

Attracted by the relatively cheap rents in the lofts and warehouses of areas that had or would soon become slums, visual artists and film-makers and writers and musicians settled together, sharing homes and workplaces. A spirit of creative liberation prevailed, as did multi-tasking; poets painted, film-makers made music, the dividing lines between disciplines dissolving. In 1965 Andy Warhol, the world’s premier Pop Artist and a New York celebrity of considerable notoriety and visibility, extended his reach to pop music when he adopted a local rock’n’roll group as an attraction within his Exploding Plastic Inevitable performance art happenings, multimedia events that mixed light shows, screenings of Warhol’s films, and performances from The Velvet Underground and other luminaries from within The Factory.

While The Factory’s in-house movie director Paul Morrissey later said, “Andy didn’t want to get into rock’n’roll, I wanted to get into rock’n’roll to make money”², Warhol recognized something of himself in the Velvets. “He told me that what we were doing with the music was the same thing he was doing with painting and movies and writing, i.e., not kidding around,” recalled the Velvets’ frontman, Lou Reed. “To my mind, nobody was doing what even approximated the real thing, with the exception of us.”³

The group Warhol had selected were a singular bunch: Moe Tucker, a revolutionary, primitivist drummer who only played the toms and never the cymbals, because (as their fractious band-leader would hiss), “Cymbals eat guitars”; a quietly radical guitarist and bassist, Sterling Morrison; John Cale, a Welsh music scholar who had collaborated with experimental composers John Cage and La Monte Young, who contributed searing viola tones and a dry, macabre wit; and Lou Reed, the group’s malevolent, simian-savant singer and guitarist, with a history of electroshock therapy and penning novelty songs for bargain-bin label Pickwick Records behind him. Warhol’s most notable adulteration of the group’s sound and dynamic was to introduce ice-blonde German chanteuse Nico to the line-up. Otherwise, The Velvet Underground were very much of their own creation.

In San Francisco, the psychedelic age was dawning. The Velvet Underground provided a very New York response; taking their name from a lurid Sixties sexploitation paperback, their music had a darker, harder edge; “the real thing” of which Reed spoke. While the rest of the country bathed in the warmth of the Summer Of Love, The Velvet Underground’s narcotic vignettes were cast in harsh documentary focus: ‘I’m Waiting For My Man’ an urgent amphetamine strum doused in the anxiety and paranoia and desperate yearning of hooking up with your dealer, ‘Heroin’ a turbulent squall grimly and perversely celebrating the drug.

Their debut, 1967’s The Velvet Underground And Nico, was nominally produced by Warhol, though his greatest contribution was doubtless the album’s iconic sleeve, a yellow decal of a banana, which, when “peeled” by the purchaser, revealed suggestively pink fruit beneath. Peaking at number 171 in the Billboard charts, it would win the group their highest placing in their lifetime, prompting the oft-quoted truism, credited to Brian Eno, that while the Velvets only sold a few thousand albums in their lifetime, everyone who bought one would go on to form a band.

Parting ways with Warhol but retaining the radical, artistic glow he lent them, The Velvet Underground would record three further albums, each radically different to what came before: 1968’s White Light/White Heat, their last with Cale, a gloriously, maliciously anarchic din that peaked and closed with ‘Sister Ray’, a dense, volume-saturated groove that burned away for a sulphurous, cuss-mouthed 17 and a half minutes, by which time the sheer sonic overload had driven the engineers from the studio; 1969’s self-titled third, a suite of hazy murmured lullabies thick with nuance and melancholic poetry, inspired in part by the theft of their Vox amplifiers while on tour; and 1970’s set of perfectly perverse, delicately off-centre pop, Loaded. The ears of the mainstream would elude them, but those who were listening, who were seduced by the very qualities that posited The Velvet Underground as misfits and outsiders at the increasingly avaricious, conformist and corporate rock’n’roll banquet, would explore and draw rich inspiration from the riot of nuance, complexity and experimentalism contained within those eight sides of vinyl.

Rock’n’roll had been subterranean, dangerous, derided by the mainstream. But as its brightest lights eclipsed the stars of Hollywood in glamour and celebrity (not to mention ego and insane ambition), it embarked upon an inexorable rise towards mainstream acceptance as an institutionalised, bountiful entertainment industry. With outrageous commercial success came a fast-encroaching conservatism. “One of the good things that happened during the Sixties was that at least some music of an unusual or experimental nature got recorded and released,” wrote pop avant-gardist Frank Zappa. “Old cigar chomper guys listened to the tapes and said, ‘I dunno. Who knows what the fuck it is? G’head, put it out! Who knows? I dunno.’ We were better off with that attitude that we are now. The ‘bright young men’ are far more conservative and more dangerous than the old guys ever were.”⁴

The Velvet Underground were at odds with rock’n’roll’s growing orthodoxy, its aspirations to mainstream acceptance, at odds with the mainstream itself. Theirs was an aesthetic that didn’t crave palatial rock mansions in Laurel Canyon, that recognised or conjured a damaged glamour and romance in the archetype of the starving artist, took a narcissistic pride in its own self-destruction. And it prized the music, the performance, as art, something to challenge and confront and unsettle and provoke the listener. Their dark, literate, dissonant pop peeled away the growing pomposity of rock’n’roll, replaced the saccharine buzz of psychedelia with a new, bitter, street-wise poetry that ignored the chimeric Age Of Aquarius in favour of the junkies and transvestites, the (sur)realities that surrounded them.

The Velvet Underground found champions in those similarly ambivalent, like rock critic Lester Bangs, who essayed Reed as a fascinating, contrarian, sadistic anti-hero, as much his nemesis as his muse. Introducing perhaps the most pugilistic of their infamous interview face-offs, Bangs wrote, “I wanted to emulate the most self-destructive bastard I could see, as long as he moved with some sense of style. Thus Lou Reed. Getting off vicariously on various forms of deviant experience compensated somehow for the emptiness of our own drearily ‘normal’ lives.”⁵

These dissenting sounds weren’t just coming from New York; in Michigan, The Stooges and The MC5 forged a separate but kindred aesthetic, built on confrontation, experimentation and outrage. The roots of Detroit’s Motor City Five lay in their early days as an R&B party band, playing raw blues and soul covers at weddings, barbecues and school dances. The music they recorded as The MC5 retained that dancefloor urgency, that testifying passion, tempering the furious, earnest attempts of Wayne Kramer and Fred “Sonic” Smith to translate the frenzied free expression of jazz titans like John Coltrane, Albert Ayler and Sun Ra into ecstatic electric guitar din. Add frontman Rob Tyner’s galvanising near-gospel holler, their affiliation with The White Panthers – a radical political group founded by their activist manager John Sinclair, espousing “rock’n’roll, dope, and fucking in the streets” – and what they themselves eloquently described as “liquid frenzy”, and The MC5 were a proposition potentially seditious enough to earn the unwelcome attention of the FBI.

Their debut album, 1969’s Kick Out The Jams, was recorded the year before, at one of the group’s many performances at Detroit’s Grande Ballroom. Perfectly capturing their electrifying chaos, the album was a wild, anarchic mess, the deafeningly loud guitars ringing out of tune, the tempo charging as the group played with careering abandon, feeding off the energy of the audibly charged audience. The bruised chords and droning siren feedback of ‘Rocket Reducer No 62 (Rama Lama Fa Fa)’ raised up a delirious, beautiful discord, and the group valiantly attempted to break Earth’s orbit with a closing cover of ‘Starship’ by Saturnian jazz maverick Sun Ra. A band-funded advert in the press reading “Fuck Hudsons!”, in response to the Detroit department store’s refusal to stock the album on the grounds of Tyner’s on-vinyl call to the masses to “Kick out the jams, motherfuckers!”, saw the group ditched from Elektra Records (Atlantic released 1970’s Back In The USA and 1971’s High Time), but not before they’d helped get “little brother” band and fellow Grande house act The Stooges signed to the label.

The Stooges were based in Ann Arbor, a liberal college town in Michigan. Beginning as a decidedly avant-garde performance-art outfit called The Psychedelic Stooges (frontman Iggy Pop, aka Jim Osterberg, wailing on lead vacuum cleaner and kitchen blender), the group dropped the “Psychedelic”, wrote a handful of songs and recorded a debut album, produced by Velvet-in-exile John Cale, at the behest of Elektra representative Danny Fields, a former Factory scenester, who signed the group shortly after The MC5 (though for considerably less money). Curtailing their wild improvised freakouts, Cale finessed The Stooges’ violent tunes into taut, malevolent pop, songs like ‘1969’ and ‘No Fun’ thriving on guitarist “Rock Action’”s elegantly primal riffs and Iggy’s vacant, dangerous snarl.

The Stooges’ rabid menace was at odds with the era’s hippy positivity, and with critics misinterpreting their brute eloquence as inartful clumsiness, sales were modest. The following year’s Fun House saw producer Don Gallucci – a former member of The Kingsmen, who scored pop paydirt with their cover of foul-mouthed shanty and garage-rock standard ‘Louie Louie’ – faithfully capture the sonics of a live show that regularly saw Iggy sliced open by broken glass or smothered in peanut butter, with the aim of truly assaulting the audience’s senses. The album’s first side was a suite of seductive, sinful rock’n’rollers chasing a sleek, metallic groove, evoking the unhinged hedonism that was rapidly enveloping the group. Side two was the brutal comedown, ‘1970’ and ‘Fun House’ priapic ruts where the primordial riffs rang on and on, a strung-out Iggy howling “I feel all right” so often you knew he was anything but, Steve Mackay’s acid-spitting sax runs blurting an intense free-jazz skronk. The closing ‘LA Blues’ was apocalyptic rock’n’roll, five minutes of blurting, screeching and howling hewn from a near-unlistenable 20 minute “jam”.

The group dissolved soon after, reforming briefly with new guitarist James Williamson to record 1973’s adrenalised, steroidal Raw Power, before drug addiction and shows that broke down into pitch battles between the group and marauding Hell’s Angels in the audience finally signalled their demise (Metallic KO, the historic bootleg of their final gig at Detroit’s Michigan Palace, features Iggy singing ‘Louie Louie’ while dodging bottles and other missiles thrown from the crowd.)

“I invented punk. Everybody knows that,” wrote Lester Bangs in 1981, long after the word had become firmly entrenched within rock’s lexicon. “But I stole it from Greg Shaw, who also invented power pop. And he stole it from Dave Marsh, who actually saw Question Mark & The Mysterians live once. But he stole it from John Sinclair. Who stole it from Rob Tyner. Who stole it from Iggy. Who stole it from Lou Reed.”⁶ Bangs’ list of artful thieves continues, defining an aesthetic cribbed from Hollywood stars, romantic poets, heroic politicos and finally sourced to Lady Godiva herself. But the Velvets, The MC5 and The Stooges form the canonical Holy Trinity clasped to the heart of the underground rock’n’roll movement that would become known as “punk” (along with a welter of garage bands across the country, high on cheap drugs and ragged electrified attempts at Troggs songs).

“Punk” – a musical movement, an indefinite but potent political statement, a fanzine founded by John Holmstrom and Legs McNeil that chronicled the seething New York scene in arch prose and campy fumetti featuring these new stars – took its name from street/prison slang for a young, possibly homosexual outsider. Certainly this description fit The New York Dolls, five cross-dressing vandals teetering upon stack-heeled leather boots and cranking out a loose and raw R&B. Drugs in their veins and cherry-coloured wax smeared on their lips, they came on like a crude and debauched and deliriously witty take on early Rolling Stones. But where, by the early Seventies, the Stones were glamourous tax exiles, heads of the nascent rock aristocracy, the Dolls were a decidedly more low-rent proposition. Their take on Shadow Morton’s ‘Great Big Kiss’, recorded by girl group The Shangri-Las, was hooligan doo-wop from a seamy street corner, while their 1973 eponymous debut, produced by power-pop godhead Todd Rundgren, conjured a most sordid glamour from its tales of drug-slaked mania, psychopathic love affairs and all-round hedonistic lasciviousness. “There was definitely nothing exciting and glittery and fun and sparkly and wild going on in rock’n’roll until the Dolls came along,”⁸ recalled Cyrinda Foxe, Warhol muse and later wife of Dolls frontman David Johansen.

They played the subterranean network that had hosted The Velvet Underground a couple of years before. Their first show was an impromptu set of covers for the residents and workers at the Endicott Hotel, a New York refuge for the homeless, on Christmas Eve 1971, the band later taking residency at the Mercer Arts Center in Greenwich Village and playing Max’s Kansas City, location of an infamous Velvet Underground live recording by poet Jim Carroll. The Dolls’ legend stems more from their lurid live performances than their recorded output, from the sheer glare of glitter and askew glamour, their scuffed, romantic riffage, and Johnny Thunders, their doomed guitarist, an iconic junkie romantic in the Keef Richards vein. They were a delicious mix of knowing leer and charismatic shimmy, a vital blast of energy just as “rock” was softening at the edges, but the title of their second album, 1974’s Shadow Morton-produced Too Much Too Soon, proved prophetic; following a last-ditch rebranding as leather-clad communist rockers (under the aegis of Malcolm McLaren, soon to refine his concept with The Sex Pistols), the Dolls disintegrated in 1975.

By this time, however, focus had shifted to the noise emanating from a number of wretched downtown dives, including the infamous CBGBs; a swarming, incestuous scene of musicians who were also artists and poets, drawn inexorably to the Big Apple. Patti Smith was born in Chicago, raised in New Jersey and, following a short period in New York, spent some time in Paris with her sister Linda at the end of the Sixties, performing on the street. Returning to New York as the Seventies dawned, she reconnected with close friend, artist and photographer Robert Mapplethorpe, taking residence at the Chelsea Hotel, a famed residence for artists and writers then playing host to William Burroughs, Janis Joplin and many of Warhol’s superstars – indeed, a chance meeting with Bob Dylan’s “right-hand man” Bobby Neuwirth in the lobby of the Chelsea was the first of many important connections she would forge with the worlds of art, theatre, poetry and finally rock’n’roll.

Following success in the underground theatre scene with Sam Shepherd, Smith took the stage of St Mark’s Church on the Lower East Side in 1971 during a weekly Poetry Project reading, opening for the co-founder of Andy Warhol’s Interview magazine, Gerard Malanga. For three poems, Smith was backed by Lenny Kaye, a guitarist and writer soon to compile Nuggets: Original Artyfacts From The First Psychedelic Era, a 1972 anthology of American garage groups like The Strangeloves, The Leaves and The 13th Floor Elevators, a compendium of raw energy triumphing rudimentary skills, playing like a pre-echo of “punk”. Two years later, Smith and Kaye performed together again at Le Jardin, a downtown dive name-checked by Lou Reed in ‘Sally Can’t Dance’, for a “Rock’n’Rimbaud” festival. Soon, her Patti Smith Group began to take shape; a debut 7” surfaced in 1974 on Mer, a label funded by Mapplethorpe, a cover of The Leaves’ ‘Hey Joe’ (preceded by ‘Sixty Days’, a monologue dedicated to kidnapped heiress Patty Hearst), backed with ‘Piss Factory’, a searing blues-poem that snarled of Smith’s freedom flight from deadening assembly-line job to New York. Her John Cale-produced debut album, 1975’s Horses, was one of punk’s first full-lengths, even if much of what followed didn’t often resemble this brazenly poetic, measured, sophisticated ‘Babelogue’.

Playing lead guitar on ‘Piss Factory’ was Tom Verlaine, a musician, poet and, for a time, lover of Patti’s who had changed his surname from Miller in tribute to romantic poet Paul Verlaine. Miller had attended a modest private boarding school in Delaware, where he met Richard Meyers, a troublemaker from Kentucky who attended on scholarship. Following a week’s suspension for misbehaving under the influence of “psychedelic” morning glory seeds, Meyers told Miller of his plan to escape the school once and for all and hitch-hike to Florida, with aims to live high off the land and become a writer. The duo made it as far as Alabama, where they were arrested after their illicit cornfield campfire swiftly got out of hand; Miller returned to Delaware with his parents, while Meyers stayed with his mother in Virginia, before dropping out of school at 16 and moving to New York. Swiftly familiarising himself with the city’s cultural underground, he was soon printing his own books and magazines on a table-top offset printing press and having his poems published in national journals.

Verlaine followed Meyers to New York in 1969, and the two were again inseparable, often mistaken for brothers as they skulked in the darkness of nightclubs like Max’s. They even published a tome of 17 poems by the fictional Theresa Stern, the jacket photo a composite of their faces. Verlaine invited a drummer friend from Delaware, Billy Ficca, up to New York, and the trio rehearsed and recorded a handful of songs as The Neon Boys, dense and nervy, Stones-y/Velvets-y shuffles characterised by the eloquent, chiming guitar of Verlaine and the Dionysian drawl of Meyers, now known as Richard Hell. The Neon Boys disbanded before they could play a show, but Terry Ork, manager of Cinemabilia, a film bookstore where Verlaine and Hell worked, introduced them to Richard Lloyd, a local guitarist.

Inspired by The New York Dolls’ infamous residencies at the Mercer Arts Center, Verlaine and Hell scoped out a dive that would let their group, Television, play regularly: a club in the Bowery called CBGB (OMFUG) (an acronym for Country, Blue Grass and Blues and Other Music For Uplifting Gourmands). Opened by Hilly Kristal, a downtown legend who’d managed the Village Vanguard in the early Sixties alongside a career as a folk singer, the venue was planned as a showcase for the titular music forms; fibbing that they would play some Country, Blue Grass and Blues in their set, Television won three Sunday-night shows. Max’s Kansas City having temporarily closed shortly before CBGB opened, New York’s musical underground soon took the stage for themselves, finding a home within these grotty environs.

“It was quite literally a shit-hole, there was dog shit everywhere,” remembers James Sclavunos, a Brooklyn-born musician and suave trouble-maker who regularly played audition night at CBGB with a band that was sometimes called Mimi & The Dreamboats, never quite winning a slot. “Hilly had these dogs, these ratty, skinny looking things, and he let them shit anywhere they wanted.”⁹ Word-of-mouth spread rapidly about Television; despite the stench, their early shows attracted the likes of Patti Smith and Danny Fields. Verlaine and Hell originally shared songwriting and frontman duties, until Hell – who took to the stage in torn clothes, spiky hair and shades, probably the first sighting of punk chic – departed the group, alienated by the other members’ increasing musical proficiency, and alienating Verlaine by jumping flamboyantly during the guitarist’s songs.

On their 1977 debut album, Marquee Moon, Verlaine and Lloyd traded solos like jazz luminaries, playing their brilliantly organised tangles of lyrical electric guitar with an erudite discipline in contrast to the more grandstanding approach of rock’s reigning stadium guitar-heroes. Marquee Moon’s unabashed cerebral appeal translated into critical acclaim in the rock press, but the “punk” blueprint had been forged a year before, by four “brudders” from Forest Hills, in the borough of Queens. Clad in uniform black leather, torn blue jeans and thick black fringes, The Ramones played bubble-gum pop at bone-rattling velocity and volume, a head-banging ramalama of rapid, rocket-fuelled tunes interspersed with barked “1!-2!-3!-4!” countdowns to detonation.

The brutish rush of their noise hid the satiric attack of their lyrics, depicting with macabre B-movie relish their milieu of glue-sniffing, male prostitution and suburban insanity, set out like a Mad Magazine fold-in. Gleefully reflecting the psychosis of a post-Nixon, post-Vietnam America, and a New York in a state of rapid decay, The Ramones won a cultish herodom that sold millions of T-shirts emblazoned with artist friend Arturo Vega’s Ramones logo and kept them on the road for over two decades, with modest financial returns. “It was an ugly life somehow,”¹⁰ remarked bassist Dee Dee Ramone as the group was inducted into the Rock’n’Roll Hall Of Fame in 2002, a belated nod of respect from an industry that had kept these scary droogs from Queens at arm’s length during their lifetime. Two years later, three of the four “brudders” were dead.

Other CBGB groups, like Blondie and Talking Heads, enjoyed greater success, meeting the mainstream halfway and developing a music indelibly coloured by their arty, punk roots, but still able to “cross over” to the upper reaches of the pop charts. Chris Stein and Debbie Harry met and became lovers while playing in The Stilettos, a lovingly camp pastiche of the Sixties girl-group sound. Their next group, Blondie, translated high–trash kitsch, Brill Building songwriting and a certain New York “punk” edge into a most charming “pop”. Under the guidance of Mike Chapman, who’d found success producing British glam-rock acts like Mud, The Sweet and Suzi Quatro, Blondie seduced the pop charts with songs that flirted with disco and reggae and, on their last great single ‘Rapture’, pioneering the fusion of rock with the burgeoning black street music, rap, while also saluting other pillars of hip-hop culture like graffiti and DJing.

Talking Heads moved to New York after forming at Rhode Island School of Art, their angular songs possessed of a nervous funk sketched by Tina Weymouth’s instinctive bass playing, frontman David Byrne possessed of a faintly geek-ish otherness, perfectly inhabiting songs like ‘Psycho Killer’. Their early records infected with the urgent anxiety of modern urban life, they took an inspired left turn with 1980’s bravura Remain In Light, its elliptical riddles building upon Byrne’s extra-curricular excursions into world music with producer Brian Eno. That the album also yielded breakthrough chart success with ‘Once In A Lifetime’ was further proof of Talking Heads’ idiosyncratic pop gift, which thrived through the following decade.

The trajectory of most “punk” groups was more modest and earthbound, however. Following his exit from Television, Richard Hell hooked up with newly unemployed Dolls Johnny Thunders and Jerry Nolan and formed The Heartbreakers, winning the attention of Malcolm McLaren, who would later fashion the look of the “punk” clothing he’d sell at his London boutique, Sex, after Hell’s torn shirts, held together with conspicuous safety pins. Hell abandoned The Heartbreakers within a year, before they could make it to a studio, forming The Voidoids with guitarist Robert Quine, who’d spent his youth bootlegging The Velvet Underground and practising guitar until he perfected the fractured, lucid spasms of sound that embellished The Voidoids’ debut, Blank Generation. Hell’s lyrics essayed a bleak, romantic nihilism, declaring life a “perpetual jive”, the title track an existential blues that doubled as something of an anti-anthem. They scored a tour of the UK with The Clash at the height of Britain’s punk era, but it proved a dispiriting experience, the Voidoids flecked with gobbed spittle from audiences who expected thrills at Ramones velocity, not the complex disquiet Hell was offering.

The Voidoids ultimately unravelled, Hell releasing the posthumous compilation R.I.P. on underground cassette label ROIR and exiting rock to concentrate on his literary work, publishing his harrowing, brilliantly lucid junkie road story Go Now in 1996. Patti Smith suffered serious injuries after a fall from a stage in 1978, releasing two more albums before marrying MC5 guitarist Fred “Sonic” Smith and retiring from music for a domestic life. Unable to trump Marquee Moon with the expert songcraft of 1978’s Adventure, Television signed off with a three-night residency at The Bottom Line in Greenwich Village that summer. Verlaine closed the final show on Saturday July 29, leading the group through an enervated take on the Stones’ ‘Satisfaction’, a setlist-staple that perhaps doubled that night as a comment on the frustrations that had finished the band.

“Few shows at CBGBs were ever sold out,” says Sclavunos. “There was plenty of room when The Ramones played. I didn’t have any trouble getting a seat; I sat there with my laughing gas, and enjoyed the show.”¹¹Indeed, soon after the initial buzz of interest around “punk” calmed, the Record Industry, the “bright young men” Zappa warned of, were marketing their new, “edgy” signings as New Wave, a manufactured genre that evaded the aggressive taint of punk and was flexible enough to embrace Talking Heads and Blondie, along with the new synthesizer-driven pop coming over from England. New Wave would prove the defining soundtrack of the rising MTV network.

The next noise to leak from New York’s underground would, by design and by contrast, have no desire – nor any possibility – of crossing over. New Wave, meet No Wave.

Born and raised in Rochester, upstate New York, Lydia Koch ran away briefly to Manhattan when she was 14, to check the place out. Two years later, she made the leap for good, settling in a loft in the Chelsea district, taking a room recently vacated by Lenny Bruce’s daughter Kitty in a communal house populated by musicians, actors and artists. Soon, she would take the name Lydia Lunch.

“Chelsea was very close to where Max’s Kansas City was. It was pretty desolate; because it was right below the garment district, there were a lot of big, ugly, dirty lofts. There were a couple of ‘discos’ there, like Le Jardin. These were very different from places like Studio 54; they were quite dark, frightening and degenerate. It wasn’t really a music club, it was really just where drug-taking degenerates of all walks of life gathered. The music was happening at places like Max’s and, later, CBGBs.

“I lived under one of these discos in Chelsea. It was the worst of all worlds: loud music every weekend, degenerate dopers on the doorstep. Dingy, poor, beautiful New York. The music was dance music, the beginnings of ‘disco’ – but it was more about the ‘scene’ than the music, at least to the people who were visiting these dank places at two or three in the morning. I was attracted to those places when I came to New York the first time, because I wanted to experience any kind of ‘scene’. It’s amazing to think that, at 14, I could just walk into one of these 24-hour discos.

“What people don’t understand when they try to romanticise the ‘punk’ period, is how incredibly poor, dark, dirty, uninhabited and destroyed New York was. From the Bronx to the Lower East Side to Brooklyn, there had been a systematic ghettoisation of these areas. The Lower East Side of that time was a burned-out shell.”

Arriving in 1975, Lunch soon familiarised herself with the music scene that had drawn her there. She wasn’t much impressed with what she found. “I saw The Ramones, but I thought they were pretty silly. Television were boring, Patti Smith was too traditional, it was all too traditional, whether it was The Ramones sounding like The Rolling Stones, or Television sounding like The Grateful Dead.”

Lunch felt more kinship with Suicide, a disturbing local duo comprising singer Alan Vega and synthesiser/drum-machine operator Martin Rev, who she soon befriended. As the Seventies dawned, Vega, an arts and physics graduate of Brooklyn College, was involved with a number of radical arts groups, living, working and experimenting with electronic music at the Project of Living Artists, a workshop and performance space funded by the New York State Council of the Arts. It was here that he formed Suicide with Rev, electric pianist in a local jazz group called Reverend B. Dressed in quasi-futuristic street garb and replacing the guitar-bass-drums orthodoxy with cold-blooded drum machines, thrift-store Farfisa organ squall and Vega’s unsettling mutant-Elvis holler, their confrontational noise was the very essence of “punk”, a shocking (d)evolution of rock’n’roll. They performed only very occasionally at art galleries and the Mercer throughout the first half of the decade, provoking audiences instantly, Vega brandishing a motorcycle chain to ward off attacking audience members. “There were riots,” he remembered. “It was a nightly occurrence. We started getting booed as soon as we came onstage. Just from the way we looked they started giving us hell already.”¹³

Lunch was soon a regular at Max’s and CBGB. “I’d go down there and read my poetry. People were terrified of me – I was only 17, but David Byrne would literally run from me when he saw me. One person that didn’t walk away was Lenny Kaye – he would stand there and listen; I was like a carnival barker, telling anyone who would listen about my horrendous poetry. Lenny Kaye was always very tolerant of me.”

Lydia had also made friends with a number of musicians and artists who had relocated to New York en masse from the arts college of University of South Florida in St Petersburg, including members of Mars and DNA, two groups who would make a crucial impression upon her.

DNA was the brainchild of guitarist Arto Lindsay, who attacked the strings of his guitar with a violence bordering upon genius, while his fellow musicians stirred up a murky, disorientating squall of rhythm and noise. DNA also numbered Ikue Mori on drums, a visiting Japanese artist who had never played drums before and spoke very little English, and Tim Wright, a former member of Rocket From The Tombs (a legendary Cleveland, Ohio garage band of Stoogian intensity who were torn apart by violent musical differences before they could enter the studio, going on to spawn iconoclastic art-rockers Pere Ubu and nihilistic, self-destructive punks The Dead Boys), on bass, this trio recording some of the most compelling, enduring music of this era. An earlier incarnation of the group featured Mirielle Cervenka (sister of Exene, later singer with Los Angeles punks X) on drums and her husband, Gordon Stevenson, on bass, though the duo quit before the band inched outside of their rehearsal room.

John GavantiDon Giovanni