001

Table of Contents
 
Title Page
Copyright Page
Dedication
Prologue
 
The First Voyage
 
one
two
three
four
five
six
seven
eight
nine
ten
eleven
twelve
thirteen
fourteen
fifteen
sixteen
seventeen
eighteen
nineteen
twenty
twenty-one
 
The Second Voyage
 
one
two
three
four
five
six
seven
eight
nine
ten
 
The Third Voyage
 
one
two
three
four
 
The Fourth Voyage
 
one
two
three
four
five
six
 
A Chronology of Christopher Columbus
Acknowledgments

001

This little book is for Mary Barile, Jack LaZebnik, Chris Walker

Prologue
Of the four crossings Christopher Columbus made to the Americas between his first departure in August 1492 and the return from his final voyage in November 1504, we know, happily, the most about the initial trip and its opening of the Americas to Europe. In fact, we know assuredly more about those 224 days of the original exploration than we do about the first four decades of his life.
Still, we could have learned even more had not the manuscript of his 1492-93 logbook and a subsequent copy of it both disappeared within fifty years of his death. Upon his return to Spain, Columbus went to Seville to report to King Ferdinand and Queen Isabella the results of what he called “the Enterprise of the Indies.” He gave to the Sovereigns his Diario de a Bordo (The Outboard Log) which the Queen had a scribe make an exact copy of for the newly proclaimed Admiral of the Ocean Sea. Those last two words are not a tautology but the prevailing name of the Atlantic, half of it then unknown. Columbus received the transcription six months later, just before leaving on his Second Voyage. The original has not been seen since Isabella’s death in 1504. When the explorer died two years later, the duplicate passed into his family where it also soon vanished. Today, we have only a slender hope that either the original logbook or its copy might some day come again to light.
Before the transcription disappeared, Bartolomé de Las Casas, a Dominican friar and historian who knew both Columbus and the Caribbean world, borrowed the duplicate long enough to make his own version which in places quotes directly from the Diario and in others is merely a summation of daily entries. The one for the second day of the First Voyage, for example, in its entirety is this: “They went southwest by south.” Fortunately, when Columbus reaches the Caribbean, Las Casas allows the entries to become longer and richer, often quoting its author to give details describing explorations among the islands.
The Las Casas rendition of the logbook is largely an abstract. Nevertheless, the most authoritative translation in English to date—the one of Oliver Dunn and James E. Kelley—requires nearly two hundred pages; we can assume what Columbus gave the Queen was a lengthy work indeed and, surely, for its own time and for many years to come, a nautical journal of unequaled fullness. In the long preface to his logbook, Columbus says he intends to record “very diligently” all that he will see and experience, so the loss of most of his own words is incalculable. Even in its abstracted state, we can fairly consider the Diario as one of the last grand documents of the Middle Ages and the first of a renaissance the Western Hemisphere would help generate in Europe.
The standard elements in a ship’s log are usually present: headings, speed, distance covered, wind direction, sea conditions, damage reports, and so forth. While these details may be of slight interest to many readers, they are important for the interpretation and reconstruction of just where and how Columbus and his men sailed, but we should realize that after five centuries, despite much research in the last couple of hundred years, we must make many assumptions, some of them still, and probably forever, highly debatable.
A few other sources help fill in gaps or reinforce interpretations of the log as they also give crucial information on the subsequent voyages. The monumental opus of Las Casas, his Historia de las Indies (History of the Indies)—a work, surprisingly, never fully translated into English—contains numerous additional details as does the biography of Columbus that his learned second son, Ferdinand, wrote. Two other sixteenth-century scholars also help flesh out the explorations: Gonzalo Fernández de Oviedo’s natural history of the Caribbean (Historia General y Natural de las Indias) complements Las Casas, and the Italian Peter Martyr’s account of the European opening of the New World—a term he popularized—De Rebus Oceanicis et Orbe Novo. From Columbus himself, we also have “the Barcelona Letter” of 1493 which concisely describes the First Voyage. Finally, we can draw upon four of the books Columbus owned, three of them replete with his annotations elaborating his geographical notions and his long belief that a ship could reach the Far East by sailing west.
In Columbus in the Americas, I have assembled his story from the explorer’s own words and these secondary sources, as well as from selected modern research and interpretations acknowledged sound by most contemporary historians. It is not the purpose of this small book to address the many controversies that surround Christopher Columbus. Everywhere, I have tried to remain within the facts enjoying the broadest acceptance so that readers may see who Columbus was and comprehend much of what he did and was attempting to do. My hope is that solid history will replace popular myths about the man who did not discover America but surely did open it, for better and for worse, to a substantial remaking. His is a story of high adventure and deep darkness.

The First Voyage

one

The stillness of that predawn Friday belied what was about to transpire. On August the third, the Tinto River, lying as unruffled as the air, gave no suggestion that the world was about to be remade—deeply, widely, powerfully, and at times violently. Every beginning has a thousand beginnings and those beginnings have a thousand more, so that all inceptions carry unnumbered antecedents. To say of anything, “At that moment and in that place, it all began,” is shortsighted, but within such shortsightedness, the European remaking of America and the American remaking of Europe began on a sluggish and undistinguished Spanish river near the commensurately undistinguished town of Palos not far from the Portuguese border. The King of Portugal, the greatest sea-faring nation of the day, had turned down an expedition like the one of three ships about to catch the tide half an hour before the summer sunrise and be pulled toward the sea.
002
Christopher Columbus, the Captain General of the fleet, took communion in a chapel nearby before boarding his flagship and, “in the name of Jesus,” giving the command to weigh anchors of the wooden vessels, small even by the standards of 1492. The seamen, perhaps taking up a chantey appropriate to the task, leaned into the long oars, stirred the polished river surface, and began moving the ships laden with enough provisions to last several months. Under the limp sails, to the groan of timbers and the creak of oars, ninety men began a voyage to an unforeseen but not unimagined land across uncharted waters in hopes of finding an unproved route to an Asian civilization more ancient than the one they were leaving. What the sailors didn’t know was that they were headed to a soon-to-be-dubbed New World inhabited by peoples whose ancestors had resided there for at least 25,000 years. Even more significantly, the mariners were the small vanguard that would open not only a place new to them but also a new era that would slowly and occasionally catastrophically reach the entire planet. Those few sailors were initiating blindly but with highly materialistic motives new conceptions of civilization. Pulling on the oars, the able seamen had scarcely a notion they were propelling themselves and everyone to come after them into a new realm that would redefine what it means to be human.
When Santa María, Pinta, and Niña crossed the sandy bar to enter the Atlantic Ocean about a hundred miles west of the Strait of Gibraltar, it was eight o’clock in the morning. Sea wind inflated the slack sails and forced a due southerly bearing the fleet followed until after sundown when the commander altered his course for the Canary Islands. The entire first day the men could look over the rails to see shoreline, but when they awoke the next morning, land was beyond anyone’s ken.
Christopher Columbus—born Cristoforo Colombo but called in Spain Cristóbal Colón—was above average height (that still could mean under six feet), ruddy of face, aquiline nose, blue eyes, freckled, his reddish hair going white although he was only days away from his forty-second birthday. He was an experienced seaman, an excellent navigator with a scholarly bent and a devotion to his religion. We have his appearance from descriptions written by people who met him rather than from any pictures made during his life, for none has survived; given the time, that isn’t surprising—portraits of even wealthy people were not common.
Although facts are scant, we do know with enough assurance to discount claims otherwise that he was born in northern Italy near Genoa, a major seaport, to Christian parents sometime between August 25 and October 31, 1451. His father was a master weaver and his mother the daughter of a weaver; Christopher and his younger brother, Bartholomew, also briefly worked in the woolen trade. Neither boy had much, if any, formal schooling. Christopher read classic geographical accounts in Latin, and he later learned to speak Portuguese and Spanish. His youth was not impoverished, and his days in Genoa apparently were happy enough to allow him to honor that city throughout his life.
Columbus grew up in a medieval world exhausted by war and bigotries, religious corruption and intolerance, a time of widespread spiritual disillusion and social pessimism, a continent deeply in need of a rebirth. The very day before his little fleet departed Palos, the last ships holding Jews who refused to convert to Christianity were by royal edict to leave port for exile in the Levant. If Columbus, who must have witnessed this hellish expulsion as he readied his crews and vessels, was moved by the cruelty of the decree, he left no mention of it other than a general phrase, absent of any judgment, in the preamble to his log. His last act on European soil—his confession of sins—we may reasonably assume did not include anything about the boatloads of misery that had weighed anchor only hours before. This is not irrelevant contemporary moralizing, because the new realms he was about to force open would eventually give a poisoned Old World new opportunities to create several societies where such inquisitions and purges, tortures and pogroms, eventually would become all but impossible, and nations he never dreamed of would offer new lives to descendants of people Ferdinand and Isabella were expelling. Of several indirect and unintended Columbian contributions to humankind, this is one.

two

The first forty-eight hours of Columbus on the open Atlantic exist today as a mere two sentences telling nothing more than bearings and distances, but on the sixth of August the first accident occurred: The large rudder of Pinta jumped its gudgeons, that is, broke loose from its fastenings. Because of a rough sea, Columbus could bring Santa María only close enough to offer encouragement to the resourceful and independent captain of the Pinta, Martín Alonso Pinzón, and trust he would find a way to jury-rig the rudder. Pinzón succeeded in a temporary repair, and Columbus praised him for his ingenuity, a compliment not to be repeated for reasons that will become evident. Pinzón believed the problem was not an accident but the work of the owner of the caravel, who was also aboard and allegedly unhappy at having his ship by royal order commandeered for the expedition. Given the capacity of the Atlantic in those waters to beat up small vessels, and given the stupidity of endangering the very ship one is aboard, Pinzón’s assertion seems dubious. Although Columbus himself had to charter his flagship Santa María, Ferdinand and Isabella granted him temporary use of the two other ships from Palos for a municipal offense the town committed against the crown.
On the morning of August the ninth, the sailors could see Grand Canary Island, but a calm prevented them from reaching harbor. After three days, a breeze rose and moved the ships into the isles, with the limping Pinta heading to Las Palmas while the other ships sailed farther west to pass under the smoking volcano on Tenerife and anchor at San Sebastián on Gomera, one of the western Canaries. Despite the calm, the voyage from Palos had taken just twelve days, but waiting for repairs to Pinta required the next three and a half weeks. Columbus used the forced layover in the islands to change the triangular sails of Niña to square ones similar to those of her sister ships, a modification that also lessened the dangerous task of handling unwieldy canvas sheets at sea. The crews brought new supplies aboard, particularly food, water, and firewood. In effect, the first leg of the voyage, Palos to the Canaries, served as a shakedown cruise for an expedition put together rather hurriedly.
While on Gomera, Columbus may have been smitten by their beautiful governor, Doña Beatriz de Peraza y Bobadilla, a woman with a colorful history. His wife, Doña Felipa Perestrello e Moniz, had died not long after their son, Diego, was born. Columbus did not remarry, although in 1486 he took up with a young peasant orphan, Beatriz Enríquez de Harana, who gave birth to their son, Ferdinand. Although Columbus almost certainly never married Beatriz Enríquez—an arrangement not uncommon at the time, and perhaps never lived with her after the initial voyage—he was otherwise solicitous of Beatriz until his death. In a codicil to his will, he charged their son, Diego, to see that she was able “to live honorably, as a person to whom I am in so great debt, and thus for discharge of my conscience, because it weigheth much on my mind.” These things we know, but of dalliance in the isles with Governor Beatriz we have little more than whatever inclination toward romance readers might possess.
His journal also makes no reference to a local situation of far greater import. When Columbus arrived, the Canaries had not yet been entirely subjugated by Spain. Through cruelty and treachery on several of the islands, the Spanish were forcing the native Guanches into slavery and Christianity, a practice soon to be repeated across the ocean on a continental scale. During the very summer the Captain General was there, the Guanches still held their own on the volcano island of Tenerife, but the conquest of La Palma was under way. Nothing in the logbook alludes to these struggles. Since part of the Columbian mission was to bring the subjects of the Grand Khan in Asia under the dominion of Spanish religion, it’s fair to wonder whether Columbus saw any foreshadowings in the struggles of the Guanches.
With Pinta repaired, Niña rerigged, and all three ships reprovisioned, the stores stacked to the gunwales, the fleet on the sixth of September drew up its anchors in the Old World for the last time. What bottom they would touch next, Columbus had no certain idea, but he was confident it was not far distant, for he believed in the notions of several ancient authorities who held that the Atlantic was narrow; in the Canaries he recorded that many “honorable Spaniards” there swore that each year they saw land to the west. Could that place they thought they saw be Saint Brendan’s Isle, a phantom then appearing on ocean charts and continuing to until the eighteenth century? Could it be Antillia, another phantom that would eventually give its name to the West Indies? Was it one of the outlier islands many geographers then believed to lie off the coast of Cathay (China)? Principal among those islands was Cipango (Japan), and it was directly for there that Columbus headed on the next leg of the voyage.

three

That none of the crew deserted during their twenty-five days in the Canary Islands suggests that the men were not beset by ancient fears about the Ocean Sea. They did not believe they were going to sail off the edge of the world and tumble willy-nilly into space. Everybody but the most benighted of that time knew the world was a sphere, and certainly sailors knew that above all others: How else to explain why a seaman atop a mast can see farther than he can from the deck or why he espies the masts of an approaching ship before the hull comes into view? Some of the men might have had notions about sea monsters, and it’s likely all believed great and dangerous shoals could lie before them. Columbus himself considered it possible the fleet might come upon lands inhabited by humans with heads in the middle of their chests, or people with tails, or men with the faces of dogs. Of all the fears, the greatest among the crew and the ones Columbus had to work against almost daily after the ships were well into uncharted water was the belief they would sail too far from Europe to be able to return home against contrary winds.
He surely instructed the sailors in his belief that the distance from the Canaries to Cipango was only 2,400 nautical miles, and—fortunately for them—the islands lay at virtually the same latitude (as in fact they nearly do); all the ships had to do was hold a course directly west. If the fleet were to come upon unknown islands on the way to Asia, they would be useful to reprovision before bringing in rewards of discovery.
His years of studying both ancient and contemporary geographers and travelers (including Marco Polo who wrote his account while incarcerated in, of all places, Genoa) convinced Columbus that Asia was a land stretching so far north and south that no westering sailor could miss it if his nerve and will did not fail him; nor, so he believed, was distance really much of a concern since the Atlantic was narrower than most learned men of his time assumed. In the years prior to departing, when Columbus was trying to convince various royal scientific committees about the feasibility of his voyage, the major disagreement wasn’t, as is popularly supposed, whether the world was flat, but rather how wide the Ocean Sea was. Many of the scholars opposing Columbus were closer to the truth than he, but as a man of medieval mind, he worked at things deductively: he knew where he wanted to go both in logic and on the sea, and he searched out views to support his own. We shall see this propensity again. The many, many annotations in three of his books of cosmology and geography reveal his geographical conceptions and his absolute stubbornness against admitting any evidence that might overturn his deep urge to find a westward sea route to the riches of the Indies. In his copy of Pierre d’Ailly’s Imago Mundi (Image of the World), Columbus noted sentences like this: “Between the end of Spain and the beginning of India is no great width,” and “Water runs from pole to pole between the end of Spain and the beginning of India,” and “This [Ocean] Sea is navigable in a few days with a fair wind.”
Nevertheless, knowing his men’s fear of sailing past a point of return that would doom them, Columbus cautiously, wisely, kept two figures for the distance the ships covered each day: one he believed accurate and the other a deliberate underestimation to report to the crew. The lower figure also served to keep expectations down and increase their tolerance of long days with no signs of landfall. Some of them surely had heard that to reach Asia by a westerly sea route would require a fleet capable of being outfitted for a three-year round trip; and since it seemed unlikely there could be any undiscovered lands between Europe and Asia for reprovisioning vessels, the crew believed men on such a voyage would perish at sea. As a discoverer, Columbus was a lucky man—even the geographical errors he made often worked to advance his goal. His achievements were the result of many things: incredible determination, fearlessness, capital abilities as a navigator and leader. But none was more important than his capacity to persuade Ferdinand and Isabella, especially the Queen, of the possibility of his correct notions. Had the American continents not been in the way, his sailors likely would have died before reaching Japan, a land almost five times farther from Spain than he calculated.
Of all the notations in his various books, one from Seneca, the Spanish-Roman philosopher and playwright, is most revealing: “An age will come after many years when the Ocean will loose the chains of things, and a huge land lie revealed; when Tiphys will disclose new worlds and Thule [Iceland] no more be the ultimate.” Again, an error encouraged Columbus: Tiphys is the pilot of Jason’s ship of legend, Argo; but the name Seneca actually wrote was Tethys, a sea nymph. The irony is that the Columbian version of the prophecy, whether miscopied or not, more accurately describes what he truly found than what he meant to find.

four

Out of the Canaries, Columbus met with winds light and variable enough to keep the fleet from making significant progress until the early morning of the second day when a northeast breeze came on to move the ships westward. He had heard in the islands that Portuguese caravels were lurking nearby with a plan of either capturing his vessels or merely warning him to stay out of certain waters controlled by Portugal. Wherever those ships were, Columbus never encountered them, and his early difficulties came not from a rival nation but from Santa María herself plunging heavily and taking water over the bow so severely that she kept the fleet from making more than about one mile an hour. With heavy provisions restowed, the flagship leveled out and regained her speed to allow the flotilla to cover 130 miles by the following morning; on the fourth evening, the high volcano at Tenerife had slipped into invisibility. Now before the ships lay only ocean uncharted except in the imaginations of a few cartographers. Columbus must have felt the sea, its threat and promise, as never before, and surely his greatest aspiration, the Enterprise of the Indies, at last seemed eminently achievable.
The route he chose would allow him, so he reasoned, a chance to discover the long-presumed island of Antillia where the fleet might reprovision and, further, could claim such a crucial jumping-off place for the Spanish Crown and thereby return the first dividend. Even though Columbus selected what he thought the shortest and simplest route to reach Asia, a decision based upon his textual research and upon his previous experiences in the eastern Atlantic, he couldn’t have known how far the prevailing winds and currents of that latitude would aid him. His course, incidentally, is very close to one used today by sailing ships going from Europe to the West Indies. Had he departed from the Azores, islands due west of the Iberian peninsula but north of his route, he would have been fighting contrary winds and soon, in all likelihood, a mutinous crew. By leaving from the Canaries, a place the ancients called the Fortunate Islands, Columbus manifested the kind of shrewdness that makes luck almost a concomitant. Were two massive continents with the longest cordillera on the planet not blocking his path, his course indeed would have taken him close to southern Japan; as it was, he was heading for the Virgin Islands.
Soon after escaping the Canary calms, a crewman spotted the broken mast of a ship, a floating timber that could be useful in repairs or as firewood, but the men were unable to take it aboard. Whether that flotsam gave any of the mariners pause about the unknown sea they were entering, an ocean that could break up stout vessels, Columbus doesn’t say.
A somewhat commonplace perception now exists that the three Columbian vessels were mere cockleshells. It’s true that even the flagship Santa María, the largest of them, was not big for that time, but she and the other two were more than adequate for an Atlantic crossing. Each was well built, and once Niña was refitted, they all performed capably on an open sea and—the flagship excepted—were useful for explorations along shorelines. Although no pictures of any kind depicting the vessels survive, we have some idea of their appearance from comments in the logbook and from comparison with other similar ships of the era. The several replicas of this famous trio constructed over the last century all derive from informed guesswork in shape, size, and rigging. Santa María was a não—“ship” in Portuguese—commonly used to transport cargo, and she was slower and less maneuverable than her consorts, which were of a type called caravels; never was María the favorite of Columbus, despite her more commodious captain’s quarters. Her three masts carried white sails decorated with crosses and heraldic symbols. In all probability, María was less than eighty feet long, her beam or width less than thirty, her draft when loaded about seven feet. As with the others, her sides above the waterline were painted in bright colors, and below the line dark pitch covered the hull to discourage shipworms and barnacles.