The year was 1998. Steve Jobs was years away from introducing the iPod to the world, and audiences were packing cinemas across the globe to see Leonardo DiCaprio’s love affair with Kate Winslet in Titanic.

I turned off the lights in my grubby hotel room in Changchun, a dingy industrial city in northeast China famous for being the capital of Manchukuo, the Japanese-controlled puppet state during World War II. I had been sitting upright on a hard, wooden train seat for 18 hours all the way from Tianjin, and my back ached. The room’s air conditioner unit wheezed loudly, and a potent mixture of smells emanated from the bathroom, but I was so exhausted I started to drift off to sleep anyway.

Then the calls started.

The first time I answered, a giggly, cutesy voice on the other end playfully asked, “Do you want some fun?” I knew what “fun” meant. No, I told the voice, not my style, and I hung up. Undeterred, the girlish voice called back every five minutes. “Do you want some comfort?” she cooed. I hung up. The phone rang again. “Do you have any aches I can massage away?”

I fumbled around in the dark trying to disconnect the phone, without success. Finally I ripped the phone out of the socket. It was damaged, but I figured I’d just settle up with the hotel manager the next day—after all, everything in China at that time was cheap.

Then there was a knock on the door. I opened it, and standing in front of me was an absolutely stunning girl. She had a slender, lithesome body; mesmerizing coal-black eyes; and a perky nose. Her hair flowed in dark waves to her shoulders, and she wore a deep-blue cocktail dress that hinted at what was underneath but didn’t reveal too much. A fruity perfume scent hung in the air around her. I remember thinking how gorgeous she was. She easily could have been a cover model for a fashion magazine, maybe Teen Vogue.

She smiled. “Twenty dollars,” she said and mimed with her hand and mouth what that amount would buy me. Then she told me what 25 bucks would get. I stared at her blankly for a few moments, sweat beading on my palms and brow, then finally said no and crawled back to bed alone. Seemingly as soon as I started to drift off, the knocks started again. It was the start of a long, lonely, sleepless night.

• • •

When I first arrived in China in the mid-1990s to study Chinese at Nankai University, gorgeous young prostitutes like the one that stood at my door in Changchun that night were everywhere. They were in hotels, saunas, karaoke bars, even coffee shops. They would sit, elegantly, waiting for traveling businessmen—mostly middle-aged white foreigners with bulging guts—and saunter over to them to make their pitch for a little “comfort.” They were easy to spot because, unlike most of the rest of the population that dressed in conservative old clothes, they carried Motorola mobile phones and Louis Vuitton bags. What amazed me was that practically all of them were dazzlingly beautiful.

Now, 15 years later, as the founder of China Market Research Group (CMR), a market research firm that helps companies as varied as Apple, Kentucky Fried Chicken, Richemont, LG Electronics, and DuPont develop their strategies for China, I have witnessed a total turnaround in the labor pool and how people dress and eat.

No longer do you find gorgeous prostitutes everywhere. On a trip to Beijing in 2011, I stayed at one of the ritziest hotels in the capital. Glancing around the lobby, I could still spot the hookers easily enough, only now they were middle aged and ugly. They wore too much makeup and had paunches like many of the aging Western businessmen they serviced. As I stood in the elevator on the way up to my room, I realized I couldn’t remember the last time I’d received a call at night in a hotel room and it was becoming rare to even be approached by a hooker. What had happened?

The explanation is simple enough. In the mid-1990s, job opportunities were scarce in China, so even the most beautiful young girls had become desperate enough to work as prostitutes, selling their bodies to feed themselves and send money home to their families in the countryside. But China’s economy and job market have seen dramatic changes in the past decade and a half. As more attractive, better-paying job opportunities increased, pretty young girls took advantage of better options, and the pool of prostitutes got uglier as a result. The uglification of Chinese prostitutes is part of a broader trend that is the subject of this book, The End of Cheap China.

Many Americans have an idea of China as possessing a limitless supply of cheap labor. It is easy to understand why. From the data points most readily available to the average American— the ubiquitous “Made in China” tag on products filling the shelves at Walmart and Target and China’s world’s-largest, 1.3-billion-strong population—it is quite natural to conclude that there must be swarms of Chinese ready to jump onto a factory floor and make more products for Americans to consume.

But despite China’s massive population, jobs are now abundant, and gender equality in general is improving. In fact, one of the biggest obstacles that companies operating in that nation now face is the lack of available workers—there are more job openings than employable workers in many cases. Huge foreign investment has resulted in the creation of millions of new jobs, and because of the one-child policy, when workers retire there are fewer and fewer young people to replace them in the labor force.

The mentality of Chinese workers also has shifted from even a decade ago, when good jobs were hard to come by and people would accept harsh conditions if it meant having a steady job, a roof over their head, and food to eat. The younger generation’s optimism about their futures and career prospects is palpable. They have witnessed China’s rise to economic superpower status, come through the financial crisis stronger than any other nation, and have yet to live through a downturn.

Filled with electric optimism and seeing opportunities to get rich everywhere, they are no longer willing to debase themselves in humiliating work, slave away in factories thousands of miles away from homes and families, or toil in jobs that do not empower them to achieve their white-collar dreams. In turn, they have started to buy the products that they used to produce, making the Chinese consumer growth story one of the most exciting and important for the next decade. It is an opportunity for companies trying to offset dwindling growth in the developed world and poses problems for policy makers who need to deal with inflationary pressures as Chinese people eat more meat, buy more cars and air conditioners, and live in larger homes.

Using interviews with billionaires, government officials, executives of Chinese and foreign firms, poor migrant workers, and even prostitutes, I will explain the larger phenomenon of why Chinese workers are no longer willing to slave away for cheap wages to assemble Apple iPhones and Nike Air Zooms and what that means for the rest of the world. China’s evaporating cheap-labor pool will disrupt supply chains and consumption habits around the world. Executives and policy makers need to prepare to be ahead of the curve, to evolve and take advantage of the changes—or face extinction.

Companies can no longer manufacture cheaply in China and may need to rethink their strategies and shift manufacturing to lower-cost production centers like Vietnam or Indonesia—or even reshore back to the United States in some cases. As thousands of factories in China have already done, they might have to automate production lines and produce higher-value goods or face the prospect of shutting down completely if margins are squeezed too tightly. Only one thing is for certain: Rising labor, real estate, and commodities costs in China will cause prices for everyday Americans to rise and crimp our consumption-oriented way of life.

I will further examine the political and sociological reasons why Chinese incomes are soaring so fast, how that is affecting domestic Chinese consumption, and what that means for businesses. Instead of the market to produce in, China has become the market to sell into. Although famous for making Nike shoes, China is now Nike’s second-largest market in the world, generating $2.1 billion in revenue in 2011 and boasting Nike’s fattest margins anywhere in the world. Nike expects to double sales there by 2015. In 2013 China became the largest market for automobiles, with more than 22 million sold, up from 17 million in 2010. It has become Buick’s largest market after the Detroit carmaker reinvented itself as a must-have brand for rising Chinese executives, and there are half-year waits to buy Porsches. Yum! Brands, the parent company of Kentucky Fried Chicken, generates more than 40 percent of its global revenue in China, and hour-long lines to get into Pizza Hut are a common sight at the malls sprouting up across the country. Chinese people are the second-largest buyers of luxury products, buying $22 billion worth in 2013 despite the crackdown on corruption led by new President Xi Jinping. China has become the must-win market for consumer product companies.

Finally, I will show how rising consumption by China’s 350-million-strong middle class—who all want homes, air conditioners, cars, and a piece of the good life—will strain commodities markets around the world, further adding to inflationary pressures. Their increasing demand will cause inevitable tensions as Chinese investment expands into other countries like Canada and continents like Australia and Africa to secure access to limited natural resources. China’s demand for commodities will further disrupt the international status quo as the Chinese government cements deals with countries like Iran and South Sudan that are viewed as unsavory and often have divergent interests from the United States.

As America adjusts to having a true rival economic superpower for the first time since the end of the cold war, it is critical for the world to understand what China was, what it is now, and what it could become in the coming decades. Too often the rise of a new power, combined with a weak global economy, creates conditions disposed to military movement. The first half of the twentieth century devastated the world and left tens of millions dead and hundreds of millions displaced, as Germany, the United Kingdom, the Soviet Union, Japan, and the United States competed over a new world order in the face of weak economic growth and limited access to natural resources.

Rarely do major shifts in global power go smoothly, as many predict will happen with America and China. One must know history and never forget it. Yet outright conflict is not inevitable between the world’s two superpowers, and the world now has better global institutions in place for arbitration, such as the World Trade Organization and the United Nations. China also has a different culture, one less based on missionary zeal than those of many traditionally Christian nations like the United States and the United Kingdom that might make it less likely to wage ideological and military battles far beyond its own borders.

Fear mongering, misinformation, and hysterics about China’s rise are hitting the American airwaves on a daily basis, clouding rational discourse. Nobel Prize–winning economist and New York Times columnist Paul Krugman and Senator Charles Schumer from New York feed the flames of fear and anger by arguing that China is stealing American jobs by keeping its currency low and asserting that America should take an aggressive approach with it. Celebrity businessman, entertainer, and billionaire Donald Trump agrees and thinks America should slap a 25 percent tariff on all Chinese imports. President George W. Bush’s former counterterrorism and cybersecurity advisor, Richard Clarke, argues that America needs to beef up its cyber warfare capabilities because it is under daily attack by Chinese assaults that could threaten America’s security just as much as conventional weapons.

Rising anti-China rhetoric is gaining currency and is dangerous and misguided—the last thing anyone needs is the world’s two superpowers in conflict, and strong rhetoric has a way of being self-fulfilling. In a study run by Professor Orville Schell, the nonprofit, New York–based Asia Society estimated that America could lose up to $2 trillion in Chinese investment because of anti-China hysteria, as Chinese firms look to Europe, South America, Africa, and other investment climes more welcoming to Chinese money.

More urgently, factions with chips on their shoulders within China don’t want to be pushed around by America anymore. They are demanding a more muscular Chinese military presence that is willing to flex its muscles to demonstrate to its neighbors and the rest of the world there is an end to American hegemony and a new world order. In 2011 China launched stealth airplanes and an aircraft carrier and took a more aggressive and nationalistic stance in disputes with Japan and in the South China Sea with the Philippines and Vietnam. Although China does not have a history of straying far beyond its borders in military exercises, preferring to stay closer to its orbit, a meek, inwardly focused China is not a foregone conclusion as threats to its stability from internal issues diminish while threats from the outside increase.

It does not matter if you are a businessman, politician, teacher, student, or just someone curious about China and changes in the world today: It is important to understand, by using objective data points rather than red herrings and phantom facts, how the end of cheap China will affect all our lives. I aim to do just that by tracking my own experiences in China, from my time as a teenager in the mid-1990s until now as an entrepreneur and consultant and how I came to learn about and understand the country.