Original edition of Black Man in the White House, copyright © 1963 by E. Frederic Morrow. Published by Coward-McCann, New York. Black Man in the White House (Annotated), copyright © 2014 by The Devault-Graves Agency, Memphis, Tennessee. All rights reserved. This book, or parts thereof, may not be reproduced in any form, except for the inclusion of brief quotations in a review, without the permission of the publishers.

Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 63-13310

ISBN: 978-0-9896714-4-6

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Title page design: Martina Voriskova

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BLACK MAN IN THE WHITE HOUSE

By E. Frederic Morrow

A Diary of the Eisenhower Years
by the Administrative Officer for Special Projects,
The White House, 1955-1961

Afterword by Les Smith

To Catherine

Acknowledgments

A great many good people helped me during my years in the Eisenhower Administration. Despite the fine opportunity afforded me by the President and Governor Adams to serve on the White House staff, I needed friends—not only to help me perform, but to keep me from being overcome with heartbreak and disappointment over decisions that ran contrary to my hopes and beliefs. A few of these persons must be listed here:

The Alfred Moellers of Tenafly, New Jersey, the long-time friends who suggested I start keeping a diary just after the announcement of my appointment to the White House; General Andrew J. Goodpaster, Staff Secretary to the President; Clarence B. Randall, Special Assistant to the President for Foreign Economic Policy; Captain Edward L. Beach, and Captain Pete Aurand, Naval Aides to the President; Douglas R. Price, Executive Assistant; General Robert L. Schulz, Military Aide; Hon. Fred A. Seaton, Secretary of the Interior; Bernard M. Shanley, Special Counsel; General Howard McCrum Snyder, Personal Physician to the President; Colonel Walter R. Tkach, Assistant to the President’s Personal Physician; William J. Hopkins, Executive Clerk; James Rowley, United States Secret Service; Major Ralph C. Stover, Chief, White House Police; Grace E. Earle, Chief of Telephone Service.

I want to voice a special tribute to the fine women who served as secretaries and assistants in my office during these years. They served above and beyond the call, and protected me against many a difficult moment. They were: Laura Sherman; Peggy King; Marjorie Hogan; Mary Matheus; Gladys McKay.

Introduction

I JOINED General Eisenhower’s staff as a consultant in August 1952 for the duration of the campaign. His headquarters were in the Hotel Commodore, directly across the street from my office at CBS where I was a member of the public affairs staff. I was on leave from CBS.

A few days after the election, Sherman Adams¹ called me over to the Commodore and said that both he and Eisenhower had been impressed by my work during the campaign and wanted me with them in Washington in some capacity commensurate with my background and training. I was very surprised and flattered, but said I must have time to think about it.

Not once during the campaign had I ever talked with anyone about a Washington position with the Administration. I was happy in my job at CBS and confident that it could lead to important advancement. There were personal complications too. My mother was a semi-invalid, and I had always lived with her in our family home and would have to make some provision for her welfare.

I had many talks with Sherman Adams, and he sent me to see several prominent persons to talk about the kind of spot I should occupy in the White House. Finally a letter from Mr. Adams definitely confirmed the fact that I would be a member of the White House staff and that I would be notified of this officially. He said that in the meantime he was turning over all the details to his assistant Maxwell Rabb². Mr. Adams advised me to tell CBS that I would be resigning, which I did.

After that I met frequently with Max Rabb, and each time there would be a hassle over the salary I could expect in any White House position. I had made it clear that I would not go to Washington for less than $10,000 a year, and I simply could not lower that figure. Max kept trying to induce me to take $1,000 or $1,500 less, and each time I would try to get a firm commitment he would tell me that there were a few more details to be ironed out. By the time the President had moved into the White House my status still had not been established.

The delegation had closed the campaign headquarters at the Commodore, and I began to find it impossible to get in touch with anyone. I phoned the White House dozens of times, only to be told that Mr. Rabb was out or in conference and would call me back. A very distressing period! Several months had passed since I had resigned from CBS, and I was living on savings which were dwindling fast. So was my morale.

Over three months after the Inauguration I finally got through to Bernard Shanley, special counsel to the President, and asked him to please let me know definitely what the score was on my going to Washington. He called me back the next day to tell me that he was very sorry but it had been decided that there was nothing available for me in the White House.

This failure affected me like some kind of complex disease. I tried to eliminate all the reasons why I had not been given the job. The FBI clearance had been swift and sure. I knew that my preparation was adequate. I felt that I had demonstrated my ability during the campaign and that my political record was such that there could be no doubt as to my being deserving. The only remaining possibilities were the personal ones such as prejudice or jealousy.

During all this time, Val Washington, Director of Minorities for the Republican National Committee, had been trying to move heaven and earth to find out the reason for my not getting the promised assignment. Meanwhile, members of the Administration were embarrassed by the treatment I had received, and other efforts were being made to find a “suitable position” for me. Through Val Washington, Charles Willis, Jr., Assistant to Sherman Adams, and others, I was finally offered the position of Adviser on Business Affairs in the Department of Commerce.

It was a new position and a policymaking one of prestige and authority, but the only reason I accepted it at all was because it would put me on the Washington scene. In effect, I took it for purely selfish reasons. However, in a few months I was so fascinated by the requirements of the job and liked my bosses, Sinclair Weeks³, and Charles Honeywell⁴, so much that I soon forgot my bitterness at not being assigned to the White House.

This was a pioneering job, and I had to convince a great many people in the Department of Commerce that it was possible to place a Negro in a responsible government position and have him measure up. Honeywell and Weeks stood by me at every turn, and I owe them deep gratitude for helping me to prove my worth and permitting me to try out my fledgling wings in Washington.

Two years later, one of the most welcome phone calls I have ever had told me to report to Sherman Adams’ office “on the double.”

I was interviewed, sized up and briefed on a possible staff job in the White House. Mr. Adams, with the President’s assent, had decided that I would join the staff. The groundwork had been laid fully; I merely needed to agree on salary, duties, etc. Jim Hagerty’s office would make the announcement over the weekend so that the story would get nationwide coverage. On wings of joy, I went back to the Commerce Department to resign.

Friday afternoon I took the Congressional to New York to spend the weekend with my family and tell them the wonderful news. I was in a taxi, speeding up Madison Avenue, when the cab’s radio blared the news of my appointment, ending with: “. . . the first Negro ever to be named to a presidential staff in an executive capacity.” When the cab driver turned around to say “Did you hear that?” he found a passenger with tears in his eyes.

It is difficult to explain my awed feeling the first day I walked through that austere northwest gate of the White House to report for work. It was one of reverence, gratitude and humility, but—rising up like a cloud to envelop me—there was also the awareness of walking into a gigantic fishbowl where the glare of public attention and observation would never cease. I was no longer a private citizen. I was public property.

For the average American, walking into the White House is like walking into a great cathedral. The atmosphere is almost holy. This is a sacred place in our country’s history, and the shades of famous and storied figures are all about. To walk here every day in the service of the President is among the highest of privileges. It was an experience I will never forget.

Actually, my official status was not confirmed until almost five years later when at long last I was commissioned formally. The story behind those five years was not told to me until 1958, when Sherman Adams explained why I had not been given the White House position originally promised me. He said he hoped I understood why no one in the Administration had the courage to tell me and spare me those five years of uncertainty and anxiety.

July 12, 1955

THE PRESIDENT and Sherman Adams can give the opportunity to serve in this kind of high position, but they cannot control the minds and thoughts of the White House staff. Most of them have been correct in conduct, but cold. It is evident that many do not relish this intrusion of an outsider. There are also those who believe that I am here merely as “window-dressing,” and have no real authority or importance. The career staff is the most distressed and the most insecure. My old friends of the campaign train—the “Eisenhower Originals”—are trying to be helpful and thoughtful. Among those I instinctively trust are: Ann Whitman, Tom Stephens, Mary Caffrey, General Robert Cutler, Gabe Hauge, Jim Hagerty, General Howard Snyder, Gerry Morgan⁵, and of course Sherman Adams.

I have been here ten days now and am still having difficulty recruiting an office staff. This is not to be a Jim Crow office solely made up of Negroes. It is to be like any other office in the White House, and the only criterion for personnel is ability. Neither visitors nor staff will ever refer to my office as “that colored office” down the hall.

I am seeking secretaries from the secretarial pool in the White House. These are trained girls, schooled in White House methods and protocol, and they are invaluable assistants to a novice executive.

So far, all those offered a job by their supervisor have refused. None wants the onus of working for a colored boss. This has not been said this bluntly, but. . . .

So I have been sitting alone in the office, bewildered as how to get going, how to staff, how to find furnishings, and how to make reports. I will not ask Sherman Adams. This may be part of a test to see whether I can take it.

July 15, 1955

TODAY STARTED out like all the others, but late in the afternoon I was sitting in the inner office, brooding on my fate, when there was a timid knock at the door. I opened it to find a shy, frightened girl standing there. She asked if I were “Mr. Morrow.” She kept the door opened behind her, as if for protection, and refused to come in to sit down. She literally blurted out her mission.

Her name was Mary O’Madigan. She was from Massachusetts. She was a member of the White House stenographic pool. Impelled by a sense of Christian duty, she had come to volunteer to serve as my secretary. She was aware of the attitude of the other girls in the pool, but felt she could not be true to her faith, and condemn me simply because of my race. She wanted to try.

I was overcome. The girl was crying.

November 6, 1955

GENERAL WILTON Persons⁶, who was in charge of the White House staff while Governor Adams was in Denver, presided over the staff meeting a few days after the President’s heart attack. We were briefed on the latest bulletins from the medical staff on the President’s condition. Of particular interest was a letter to General Persons written by the President’s per-sonal physician, Major General Howard Snyder, explaining exactly what had happened the night the President was stricken. The letter apparently was designed to point out the sensible conduct maintained by General Snyder in diagnosing the illness and in its emergency treatment.

There has been adverse newspaper comment on the original diagnosis offered by General Snyder: “A mild digestive upset.” But if the General gave the impression that the illness was less serious than it actually was, it was probably to prevent panic in the sickroom on the part of the President’s wife, as well as to spare the President by not informing him, at that early morning hour, that he had a coronary. However, as soon as it was possible to give a thorough examination with proper professional assistance, the information was given to the press immediately.

It is my personal belief that the entire country is impressed with the honesty of the reporting on this matter, and that nothing is being withheld from the public.

Of course, the staff is very disturbed, and we all wonder what this shocking news will mean. Everything has been going along smoothly, and it has never occurred to any of us that health might be the overriding consideration in the 1956 campaign. The country’s love for the President is at an unprecedented high, and it is inconceivable that any candidate could challenge him. Now we are faced with the startling fact that he may not be a candidate and that any other Republican nominee will have rough going!

November 7, 1955

I HAVE had a good lesson today on how the vagaries of international political life and one’s complete innocence of purpose can conflict and make trouble.

The National Council of Negro Women⁷ was holding its annual convention in Washington the latter part of the week. The Vice President had been asked to speak, or at least to extend greetings to the council. His office called me about the invitation, and I said it would be wise for him to appear, as this was a prominent group and its leaders had been identified with the New Deal in past years. I felt this was a good opportunity for this group to be exposed to the charm and the sincerity of the Vice President, and suggested that he speak on International Night, the highlight of the convention.

All parties were completely agreed on this when I inadvertently learned that the principal speaker on the International Night program was to be the roving Ambassador of India, Krishna Menon. This immediately provided complications. Mr. Menon has indicated his interest in Soviet patterns and policies and has not been overly friendly with United States’ efforts in kindred fields. I felt that the Vice President’s being on the same platform might prove embarrassing, particularly if Mr. Menon used this occasion to tee off on United States policies abroad or at home. It also occurred to me that newspaper commentators, writers, etc., unfriendly to the Administration, might make political capital out of the Vice President’s appearance on the same program, and he could become an innocent victim of editorial rhubarb.

I phoned Mr. Nixon’s⁸ office and suggested that we call the whole thing off unless he could find time to look in on one of the daytime meetings just to say hello.

November 9, 1955

AN INTERESTING staff meeting this morning, where we discussed details for the President’s homecoming from Denver on Friday. We want to keep the reception on a completely informal basis so that protocol will not be involved. The President’s plane will land at MATS Terminal at approximately 3:45 p.m. He will be met by the Vice President, who will welcome him home on behalf of everyone. This is designed to keep the President from having to shake hands with the many well-wishers and personal friends who will be around. It is expected that all Cabinet members, members of the Diplomatic Corps, and all Administration and Congressional personnel who are in the city will be at the airport. The President’s personal staff will be present also.

In his bubble car, he will drive across Memorial Bridge, where two fire trucks on either side of the road will be stationed with their aerial ladders forming an arch through which his motorcade will pass. A sign reading: “Welcome Home, Ike” will be hung from the arch. He will then proceed down Constitution Avenue, around the Ellipse, through East Executive Avenue, up Pennsylvania Avenue past the White House and down West Executive Avenue to the southwest gate.

The White House Staff and personnel from the Executive Office Building and their families will line West Executive Avenue to greet him. I have been put in charge of arrangements for the welcome there and have met with the Secret Service and the head of the White House Police to iron out security details.

November 10, 1955

AT LUNCH today I was shocked by Bernard Shanley’s announcement that he had just resigned as Appointment Secretary and the news would be on the ticker from Denver any minute. Apparently his decision had been made three weeks ago upon his return from his visit to Japan, when he stopped by Denver to see the President.

Shanley stated that he thought this was a good time to get out. It would be many months before the President could return to his usual routine of office, and this would mean that the Appointment Secretary’s duties would be practically nil. He felt he could not afford to hold a position that, at the moment, was purely honorary.

The talk at our table, among Rowland Hughes, Dr. Arthur Flemming, and Roemer McPhee of Dr. Gabriel Hauge’s⁹ office, indicated that this was a good time in the history of American government for a complete change in the concept of the President’s duties. It was felt that altering procedures of office could save the lives of many future presidents if some serious thought and action were given to easing the tremendous burden of signing papers, reviewing courts-martial, and greeting thousands of foreign and native citizens.

It was recalled that as far back as the Hoover Administration¹⁰ there was not even a fence around the White House and that every day at noon President Hoover would greet all the callers who happened to be there. His office was run with a mere handful of people, and there was not the frightful strain of today’s steady stream of callers. It was recalled that the budget at that time was some $6,000,000 and that during the Coolidge Administration¹¹ the President was able to dictate and sign replies to all incoming correspondence. Today’s mail often runs to 50,000 letters at a given time.

Dr. Flemming suggested that the American people should buy the President a home in one of Washington’s residential sections where he could live with more privacy. The feeling was that the White House should be used only for official and state functions. At the present time it often takes on the aspect of a funeral parlor, with thousands of people pouring through it every day.

It is wondered whether the Shanley spot will be filled by anyone else. The President has been anxious to retain him in some other capacity, but there is no available position of comparable importance that could be given him without loss of prestige.

We are all apprehensive as to how the press will treat this resignation. It well could indicate that the President will not run again and that because Shanley is an inside member of the official family he has some advance notice of this. The press might also take the tack that there has been a rift in the official family and that Shanley has been asked to leave or is resigning in a fit of pique.

There are unconfirmed rumors that Sherman Adams and Shanley have not always seen eye to eye, but if this is true I have no knowledge of it. At any rate, it’s the kind of situation in which politicians can speculate loud and long and unfriendly newspapers can have a field day with any interpretation that appeals to them at the moment.

November 11, 1955

I WENT over to the Vice President’s office at one o’clock today to escort him to the Willard Hotel, where the National Council of Negro Women was holding its convention luncheon.

There had been a great deal of confusion in trying to arrange a suitable time when Mr. Nixon could appear. His schedule was jam-packed, with the President due in from Denver this same afternoon, and it was a question of how quickly we could get into the Willard and say hello and leave.

We arrived at the hotel and were met at the door by the manager, who whisked us into a private elevator and up to the dining room. The inevitable photographers were there en masse, and the hauling and shoving and talk of “one more” picture began. I virtually had to shove the Vice President into the room in order to make sure he could keep to his time schedule.

He gave a charming and effective ten-minute address. He told the women that it must be pleasant for them to meet in the nation’s Capital now, when every possible facility was available to them without restrictions based on race or color. He congratulated them upon working so earnestly toward the same goals in human relations that the Administration is working for, and thanked them for their moral support in the never-ending struggle of the Administration to make first-class citizenship available to all Americans.

He touched briefly upon his trip across the world last fall, when he and his wife had discovered, in the Near East and the Far East, that all people—regardless of race or religion—have the same human frailties, ambitions and hopes and that a friendly smile and a warm handshake produce the same results in that part of the world as they do here in America or in any other civilization.

He thanked them for their concern about the health of the President, and said he must be off to the airport to meet him, and was sure that if President and Mrs. Eisenhower knew that he was there to greet the council, they would want him to extend thanks and best wishes to each and every member. The applause was warm and spontaneous. The Vice President was pleased that he had appeared. Many of the women at the luncheon tables made a rush toward him as he left the dais, and again he had to fight his way out of the room to get to the elevator. Again the photographers swarmed around him, and there was much to-do as many of the women tried to get their pictures taken with him.

He dropped me off at the White House, and before he left, inquired about my golf game, asking me where I played in Washington. I told him that I had not played in Washington the two years I had been here because the private courses were not available and the public courses were too crowded. I said that when I could get off on weekends, I went back to New Jersey, where I played at the Riverdale Country Club. He seemed honestly surprised and taken aback that a member of the President’s staff was unable to play on some golf courses in Washington. He said: “Well, as soon as this pressure permits, I’ll get two or three of our gang together and we’ll play at one of the local clubs.”

December 5, 1955

TODAY’s New York Times has an article by James Reston which states that Sherman Adams is among the prominent “dark horses” for the Republican nomination, in the event that President Eisenhower decides not to run. It says that Adams is the only person outside of the President who knows what the Presidency is all about.

This is an interesting speculation. I don’t believe that Sherman Adams could ever get the nomination. Professional politicians dislike his austere personality and ruthless honesty. Here is a man who is not interested in deals of any kind or in any sort of skullduggery that will enhance the position of the party. He has no patience with incompetence or with apple-polishers. He has made a good second man for President Eisenhower because he is completely dedicated to the cause of good government and the ideals for which the President and his Administration stand. I am certain he would make an excellent President, but under his regime the professional pickings would be so lean that they would wither and die.

Mr. Adams usually holds court in the White House mess about 1 p.m. when he is in Washington. He generally has as luncheon guests many of the prominent and distinguished visi-tors, foreign and domestic, who have come to see him or the President on business. Most of the members of the White House staff try to get to lunch about one o’clock, in order to see and be seen. Any recognition by the Governor during these periods is much prized by staff members. A nod of the head, or when he is leaving, a touch on the shoulder or an abrupt “Come into my office as soon as possible,” indicates the importance of the person involved. Also, if staff members have business with him, this is a good hour to determine his mood. If he appears to be sharp, caustic, and extremely cool, it is perhaps wise to put off the engagement as long as possible!

This man runs the White House with an iron hand. He is familiar with and briefed on every single detail of operation, and few decisions of any importance are made without him.

I have been fortunate enough to see his human side. From the very beginning—our meeting on the campaign train in September 1952—he has always shown a fatherly interest in me. A collector’s item in Washington is the picture of my swearing-in ceremony, where the Governor is looking up into my face with a broad smile. Few people ever see him in this kind of pose.

Whenever I meet him, no matter where or with whom he may be, he always makes it a point to speak and to inquire about my well-being. If it is in the White House staff dining room, he gives me a warm clap on the shoulder, or a playful rap on the head.

However, this indication of friendliness merely means that your performance to date has been acceptable and that you are expected to continue in the same vein.

I watched this man take over the Eisenhower campaign train from the very beginning and run it according to his own plans. There were many who would like to have challenged his leadership and authority, but none ever successfully dared to brave the chill of his withering glance and authoritative manner.

December 8, 1955

THESE ARE difficult days for me as I contemplate what is happening in Mississippi in the aftermath of the Till kidnap-murder case¹². My memorandum to Max Rabb expressed my fears that we are on the doorstep of a horrible racial conflagration in this country. I am convinced, more than ever before, that the ignoring of this matter by the Republican party will be a serious stumbling block in next year’s presidential election.

Governor Adams spoke to me at lunch yesterday and asked what the Party would have to do in order to win the Negro vote. He had noticed that the Gallup Poll showed the Democrats still running far ahead in the matter of Negro political support.

This question has been asked me many times since I have been in the White House, and there is great disappointment topside because Negroes do not seem to be reacting favorably to the unprecedented Eisenhower actions in the field of civil rights.

I have had a hard time trying to assure the people here that the Negro’s principal concern is economic. The Democrats have just about convinced him that when they are in power the little man gets a better break jobwise than he does when the Republicans are in. The Democrats have had more than twenty years of this philosophy, and it has done its job well.

There is a strong belief among Negroes that the Republican Party represents great wealth and is not really concerned with their general welfare.

It is things like the refusal of the Republicans to issue any kind of fear-allaying statement on conditions in Mississippi that contribute to the Negro’s thinking that the Republican Party deserts him in crises. It is true that none of the avowed Democratic presidential candidates are saying anything either. This would alienate the South, and it would be difficult for these candidates to get the nomination without the South’s support. The fact that the President has been operating on a program of first-class citizenship for all Americans would appear to make it simple for a member of the top command to issue some kind of statement deploring the breakdown of law and order in Mississippi, stating that it is un-American and undemocratic.

However, there seems to be complete fright when such action is suggested. I believe there is still a false hope that some part of the South may lend support to the next Republican effort. This seems to me to be childish thinking, for we know that the desegregation issue and the Supreme Court decisions have so infuriated the South that no Republican presidential candidate, including President Eisenhower, could count upon any active support south of Washington.

Today’s Courier came out with a startling headline and an open letter to President Eisenhower stating: SEND U.S. TROOPS TO MISSISSIPPI. It is frightening to sit in this rather high spot and realize that bloodshed can result from this present impasse.

December 19, 1955

MAX RABB called a meeting in his office today with some of the prominent Negro members of the Administration to talk about the problem of civil rights, about mob violence in Mississippi in regard to the aftermath of the Till case, and the results of the latest Gallup Poll, which indicated that the bulk of the Negro voting still is in the Democratic column.

Max was very upset. Undoubtedly he has been feeling great pressure from various factions within the Administration for his strenuous activity in behalf of a forthright statement in the President’s annual message to Congress on this explosive issue of civil rights. He is a thoroughly unhappy man, and he let us know it in no uncertain terms.

At the meeting were James Nabrit, Secretary of Howard University; Val Washington, Director of Minorities, Republican National Committee; J. Ernest Wilkins, Assistant Secretary of Labor¹³; Samuel Pierce, Assistant to the Undersecretary of Labor; Joe Douglas from the Department of Health, Education and Welfare; and Scovelle Richardson, Chairman of the Federal Parole Board. We were unanimous in feeling that the Republicans missed the ball when no prominent member of the Administration spoke out against the handling of the Till matter and the subsequent intimidation of Mississippi Negroes, as well as the economic sanctions recently imposed upon them¹⁴. We argued that the time had come when the President, or some designated member of the Administration, must take notice of the inhuman conditions in Mississippi and at least deplore them, if nothing else.

It is one of the several things that has weakened the party with the Negro voter. I pointed out that every Negro north of the Mason-Dixon line has relatives in the South, and whatever happens to them becomes an emotional problem to those in the North. Their attitude toward the party in power is conditioned by the welfare of their relatives in the South.

Rabb outlined the difficulty he was having in trying to get prominent members of the White House staff who are close to the President to go along with him on the matter of civil rights. He said he had a tremendous job in trying to convince the Cabinet that a forthright stand should be taken. It is my observation that there seems to be some uncanny fear that to alienate the South on this matter of race will be disastrous as far as any southern support of prominent Administration matters in Congress.

This is an absurd position as far as I am concerned, but apparently some of the members of the staff, as well as the Cabinet, are utterly conservative on the matter of race and are not com-pletely convinced that the Administration should do any more than it has done on this explosive topic.

Meanwhile, the NAACP and other organizations are beating on our heads mercilessly, and they will continue unless some statement is forthcoming from the Administration.

Governor Howard Pyle¹⁵, former Governor of Arizona, came into the meeting to listen to our observations and to make some himself. In colorful and forceful language he blamed his recent defeat at the polls upon the fact that despite all he had tried to do for the Negroes in his state during his terms of office, they had not been loyal to him at election time and had assisted in his defeat. He was not so much bitter about this as reflective and puzzled. He felt that the Gallup Poll indicated this same situation as far as the present Administration was concerned. That is, that the President had bent over backward in the field of civil rights, and yet every poll taken indicated that the Negroes were not grateful and were still clinging to the Democrat banner. He felt that we must get out into the field and preach loyalty to those who are not loyal to us.

We intend to have more meetings of this kind to exchange views, but since we have no desire to be tagged with the terms “kitchen cabinet” or “Negro spokesmen,” we will do all we can to keep these meetings and the matters we discuss a secret.

January 17, 1956

CHARLIE MASTERSON came in to see me today to discuss my memorandum to Sherman Adams regarding his inquiry as to the Gallup Poll taken in December that indicated the bulk of the Negro vote was still with the Democrats. I had replied to the Governor’s inquiry with observations of my own (given in another section of this book), and apparently the Governor had passed my memo on to other staff members for their observations and discussions.

Mr. Masterson, as an assistant to Howard Pyle, had been delegated to discuss both my memo and a similar one that Sherman Adams had received from Val Washington in response to the same query.

Charlie had made some very intelligent notations on the memo, and these raised questions that needed clarification for everybody concerned. We discussed the situation at length and arrived at decisions that will be transmitted to Sherman Adams, Governor Pyle, etc.

Charlie is nearer my age than most members of the staff, and this gives me a feeling of rapport with him. He has been listed as one of the ten best tennis players in this country, is equally alert mentally, and has a pleasing personality. I can ask him questions that I have not asked other staff members because of my life-long training to never presume anything with anyone at any time.

I told Charlie that whether the President ran for office or not, and whether or not a Republican won in November, I probably would not be willing to sign on for another four years in Washington. I have no political aspirations, and as far as I am concerned, this is my zenith in public life, so I must go from this position to one of comparable importance in civil life. I will wait until the President makes his announcement, and give whatever assistance I can to his candidacy or anyone else’s, up to and through November. Unless the President is a candidate and wins, it is my opinion now that I will turn a completely deaf ear to any demands to remain in Washington.

Masterson told me that he could not make another sacrifice here; that he had given up a position paying more salary than his present one, simply because of his tremendous faith in President Eisenhower. There are many men holding thankless jobs in this Administration who have been fired by the same imagination and dedication. If the President does not run again, most of these loyal people will return to private industry.

We deplored the fact that the National Committee had been so weak in pressing the Republican cause among Negro voters. In his memo to Sherman Adams, Val Washington had outlined one of the reasons why the party has failed to attract Negro votes, stating that the budget for his office is less than $30,000 a year. This is a very small amount, and it seems ridiculous that the Director of Minorities for the Republican Committee should have to assume the responsibility of trying to cover forty-eight states and make any kind of impression on approximately 18,000,000 Negro voters¹⁶. He should have a staff of eight or ten alert, able young men who would spend their entire time organizing, spreading propaganda, and building goodwill—especially in our country’s heavily populated cities.

Charlie indicated his alarm over the entire operation of the National Committee office. He felt that on the whole it was inept, understaffed, and that there were too many persons in high places who were not very knowledgeable, politically or otherwise.

I told him the story of my delayed entrance on the Washington scene due to some kind of chicanery within the White House staff, and that to this day I do not have the complete facts about the situation. The story fascinated Masterson. He had not known of it before and said that I must have a feeling about what it pointed to and about those who had handled it.

January 25, 1956

THERE WAS an early and serious staff meeting this morning, held to review questions that might be asked the President at his press conference at 10:30 a.m. today. It is more or less customary, when many controversial issues are abroad, to have the staff attempt to decide on the manner in which the President should handle difficult and “loaded” questions.

Jim Hagerty presided at this morning’s session, framed the possible questions, and in some instances outlined what he thought the answers should be. Sherman Adams, of course, is always the final authority, and after the staff has offered various suggestions, the Governor usually crystallizes the whole idea and puts it down in terse form.

One of the most nagging questions that might arise today concerns the Powell Amendment to the School Construction Bill. I was pleasantly surprised at the staff’s reaction to the amendment. Everyone knows Adam Clayton Powell, the flamboyant Congressman from Harlem. The effect of his proposed amendment would be to deny Federal funds for school construction in those areas where segregation prevails, in opposition to the Supreme Court decision outlawing segregation in secondary schools.

Hagerty stated that there was only one stand the Republican party—the party of Lincoln—could take, and that was support of the Powell Amendment. He felt that, since the Supreme Court had spoken on the matter of segregation, the Administration should indicate that it was for enforcing this amendment in every aspect of American life.

I had had no idea Hagerty felt so strongly. On the other hand, Mr. Adams felt that any expression from the President would have to include the realistic as well as the philosophical aspect of the question. He felt that certainly the President should indicate his great moral belief in the necessity of giving every American equal opportunity for development in American life. That was the philosophy of this Administration, and it would never deviate from this belief. However, he said we would have to deal with the reality of the situation too. Classrooms were sorely needed in every section of the land, and he felt that nothing should be allowed to interfere with providing them for the nation’s students.

A general discussion ensued, including Harold Stassen¹⁷, Max Rabb, and Howard Pyle, indicating that this was an explosive situation. It was stated that the Powell amendment would get through the House but come to grief in the Senate, where the southern senators would filibuster it to death. Gerald Morgan¹⁸ pointed out that the President could be placed in a very difficult situation should he come out in wholehearted support of the amendment. Morgan said that the President could be accused of insincerity, because in the past he had also indicated his deep concern for the classroom shortage. He could not now ignore this shortage in favor of the great moral principle involved in the Powell amendment.

The discussion on this went on for thirty or forty minutes. Time was getting short, and it was necessary to conclude the meeting rather abruptly. It was felt that the President would handle the question adequately and that we would point out only the pitfalls to him, hoping that he could avoid them successfully.

Last year, at a press conference, the President had used the term “extraneous” when asked a question about his attitude toward Powell’s amendment to the education bill. The Negro press and public have never forgotten this, and it is generally agreed that the use of the term by the President was most unfortunate. At his press conference this morning he will probably be asked if he considers the Powell amendment to be “extraneous” as far as the School Construction Bill is concerned. He has been advised to avoid the use of this term, and also not to mention the proposed amendment by the term “Powell,” because this will merely give Congressmen another item to use from public platforms at a later date in some foray against the Administration.

I have just returned from luncheon at the White House mess, where a tape recording of the President’s press conference of this morning was played back for the staff to hear. He did his usual able job. The inevitable question did come up, and the President forthrightly stated that he believed in equal opportunity for every American citizen, that the Supreme Court had spoken, and that he would always support his theories of equal opportunity for all and the decision of the Supreme Court in any area. He acknowledged, however, that the situation was not that simple. He said that there was a great need for classrooms. He therefore recognized the inevitable conflict between his belief in the moral Rightness of the Supreme Court decision, and his objections to denying needed classrooms to American school children because of the fact that in some sections of the land segregation—contrary to the Supreme Court decision—would prevail.

He stated that in handing down this decision, the Supreme Court had recommended to lower Federal courts that areas be given a reasonable amount of time to implement the decision. The President recognized the need for this element of time before there could be complete elimination of what he called “the deep roots of prejudice and emotion.” He said that he hoped this would be taken into consideration in any determination made on the bill; that classrooms are necessary now, and he wanted school construction now. He added that he felt that every measure and issue proposed by Congress should be voted up or down on its own merits, and should be proposed in a single bill and not encumbered by additional legislation or additional matters that could becloud specific issues. In other words, what he meant was: Let’s vote on the School Construction Bill on its own merit and then let the matter of civil rights be proposed and voted upon in another bill for that purpose.

Many members of the staff watched me intently as I listened to the playback of the President’s voice. I felt that he had handled a difficult situation well, and it was to my satisfaction. Jim Hagerty kept looking at me and asking whether I approved.

I know that there are many of my group who will consider me a traitor for being willing to accept anything less than complete victory in a matter of this kind. However, I am very close to the scene, and I know and understand the innate honesty of the President and have complete faith in his judgment. As long as he and the principal members of his staff are agreed on the principle of equal opportunity for development in American life for all citizens, I have no fear that there will be any turning back in areas that affect Negro citizens.

I also know that this measure proposed by Congressman Powell has not a whit of a chance to pass the Senate, and at a critical time like this in American life—when the social and political thinking of Americans is being changed by Supreme Court decisions and by the very moral attitude of the President himself—it is a dangerous thing to insist upon the impossible, thereby alienating the friendship of those upon whom we must depend in really vital and serious matters. I am pleased that the President spoke out so that the whole world could hear that he is striving for equal opportunity for every citizen regardless of race, creed, color or previous condition.

During my lifetime I have never known of any other President who made such a statement publicly, with such complete conviction, and wholly without reservation.

January 26, 1956

SHERMAN ADAMS presided at staff meeting today and spoke of matters regarding the Administration. The significant part of the meeting was Jim Hagerty’s warning to the staff to stay clear of any discussion concerning the possible contents of the note the President received yesterday from the Russian Ambassador. There is a great guessing game going on among Washington reporters as to its contents. Hagerty’s statement to the press yesterday merely indicated that the President and the Russian Ambassador had been corresponding from time to time ever since the Geneva Conference¹⁹ and that the present note was simply a discussion of matters pertaining to world peace. But the warning to the staff to steer clear of discussion of this note indicates that it is a very significant one.

It’s never certain what kind of mood Sherman Adams will be in when he comes to a staff meeting. At last week’s session he walked in and announced that: “Today is a very significant day in the world, and this staff should start off this day recognizing this fact and doing something unusual to make it stand out in our minds. It is the birthday of the deputy assistant to the President [General Persons].” Mr. Adams immediately launched into singing “Happy Birthday” to General Persons, with the staff joining in. He has an excellent baritone voice and carried the tune beautifully.

February 1, 1956

I HAVE just returned from a five-day trip to the Middle West, where I spoke at the Kansas Day celebration in Topeka. Kansas Day is a colorful annual affair, commemorating the day President Lincoln signed the bill admitting Kansas to the Union. It is also the time when officeholders make known their intention to run for re-election, or political aspirants file notice of their intention to seek office. Kansas is a Republican state, and therefore most of the competition is between Republicans opposing each other in the primaries. Kansas Day turns out to be a Republican celebration, and the various banquets and dinners offer opportunities for speeches by local and national figures who extoll the virtues of the party.

In past years it has been customary for Negro Republicans to have a separate affair rather than participate in the big celebration completely. When I was first requested to speak to the Negro group, I made it very clear that I would not, under any circumstances, go to Kansas to address a segregated meeting. It would be ironic for me, as a member of the President’s staff, to condone, aid, or abet the perpetuation of a vicious system of separation in party matters. I was assured that every effort would be made to have an interracial meeting at which I would speak in the municipal auditorium at 2:15 p.m. on Saturday, January 28.

I arrived in Topeka the previous day and was met by Governor John Hall’s limousine and a Negro representative from his office, Arthur Fletcher, and was taken to the Kansas Hotel, which in itself was quite an event. It was told that I was the first Negro to be admitted as a guest in this hotel.

That evening the Governor held a reception for those who had come to Topeka for the celebration. He gave me a very warm welcome. It was the usual dragging affair, with hundreds of people passing through the receiving line to shake hands with the Governor, his wife, the staff, and high-ranking officials.

Later in the evening I was standing around, balancing a teacup, when one of the female guests came running up to me and said: “Boy, I am ready to go now; go outside and get me a taxi.” I was stunned, but Arthur Fletcher did some quick thinking and immediately informed the lady that she was speaking to one of President Eisenhower’s assistants. She was overcome with remorse and embarrassment.

February 17, 1956

THE PAST few weeks have been trying ones for all staff members as we await the President’s decision on a second term. Our concern is not so much with our own jobs and what will happen to us as it is with what will happen to the party, to the Eisenhower idealism, and to all the goals that have been set for the Administration during the President’s tenure. I have not been party to any secret sessions held to discuss this matter at any time, or have I done any speculating with any members of the White House team. I am keeping to a rigid policy of not choosing sides on any matter or participating in any schemes or projects to promote anything at any time.

The first question I am always asked by newsmen and others when I am on speaking tours is for my personal opinion as to whether the President will run. I always dismiss the question with a polite “No comment.”