Uncovering the Truth behind the Kennedy Assassination
Philip Coppens
© Philip Coppens 2012
All rights reserved. No part of this ebook may be reproduced in any form or by any electronic, magical, or mechanical means including information storage and retrieval without written permission from the publisher, except by a reviewer, who may quote brief passages of no longer than fifty words at a time in a review.
This book began its journey to publication decades before it became an ebook;
the concept of an ebook did not even exist when I wrote the manuscript in 1992
and 1993. For the next decade, the manuscript largely sat undisturbed in the
bottom of a drawer, as a print-out. When my website went up in 2004, I had to
OCR the several hundred of pages (the original electronic format, let alone
the floppy disks on which they resided, had gone out of business). For a few
more years, the book sat on my website, safely tucked at the bottom of a webpage
- very much in line with its existence at the bottom of a drawer throughout
the previous decade!
In November 2011, I felt that I should do something with this manuscript ahead
of the 50th anniversary of the assassination, in 2013. A few weeks later, however,
my wife, Kathleen McGowan, began to read and became totally absorbed by Stephen
King’s 11/22/1963. When I opened the book and read that Stephen
King was convinced Oswald acted alone, I lost a tremendous amount of respect
for this man’s intellectual capabilities, all the more so because the
books he listed as his primary influence were all known to be written by devoted
skeptics, rather than more open-minded authors on the subject. For the next
few weeks, I pretty much felt that I had to bring my manuscript into a publishable
format. It is ironic that when I began this task, I realized that the opening
sentence of the prologue, which I had written in 1992, mentions Stephen King!
All the research for this book was done in the late 1980s and early 1990s.
The conclusions I drew then, have remarkably withstood the test of time. That
is not solely due to me. As is the case with so many books, this author received
help from various persons who dedicated their time helping me in various ways.
I would like to thank Paul L. Hoch, Jerry D. Rose and Gordon Winslow for opening
the research community to me. I would also like to thank the following people
whose help was and still is very much appreciated. It would take another book,
certainly a chapter, to say more about them than simply typing their name. It
is, however, not simply a name, there is a real person behind each name as well,
each one having his own qualities and stories to tell; each one helping me in
some other (and sometimes the same) way.
The ‘Connally-group’: Ulric Shannon, Rev. Demeter A. Pottrov, Larry
A. Sneed and Anthony Marsh; The ‘Paines-group’: Gary Miller, D.
Scott Redman, Jan R. Stevens, Charles Campanizzi, David Park and Peter E. May.
The ‘local-group’: Jake Shepard; Dr. Michael D. Morrissey; Bill
Rudgard; Jeremy Rowbottom; Ingeborg Axelsen; Ralph Goldberg; Louise Wykander;
Colin Chambers, Joseph S. Ellul; Martin Shackelford; Mike Sylwester; Paul Weller;
Robert B. Cutler; Philip Rogers; J. David Truby; Jack D. White; Scott Van Wynsberghe;
Harold Weisberg; William E. Jones; Mary McHughes-Ferrell; Maria A. Machin; Maurice
Chatelain; Andrew Weir; Robert T. Johnson; John Judge; Vincent D’Antoni;
Joseph Backes; Sheldon Inkol; Anthony Frewin; Ray Evans.
Even though some will agree with the conclusions reached in this book, this
does not mean this book expresses their ideas or conclusions. In no way should
they share the blame for the possible miscomings in this book; those are entirely
mine (unfortunately).
Los Angeles, December 29, 2011
“There must be somewhere… in this beautiful and generous land
of France, an honest man who is courageous enough to search for and discover,
the truth.”
Dreyffus
Assassination researcher Greg Doyle recalled how he, in the late summer of
1988, stayed up late, “reading Best Evidence and being more frightened
than any Stephen King novel could ever scare me”. For the Kennedy assassination,
the saying that ‘truth is stranger than fiction’ is certainly apt;
it is on occasion even more exciting than fiction. Perhaps that is why so many
people are drawn into this “quagmire for historians”, as Arthur
Schlesinger described the assassination. Joe Wershba of CBS compared the assassination
with a poison in the bloodstream: once it grabbed hold of you, it never lets
go. And, indeed, in 2011, it became clear that Stephen King himself fell for
the Kennedy assassination spell, turning it into a novel, 11/22/1963,
which rivalled the Warren Commission Report in size.
This book was written in the early 1990s, briefly revisited a decade later,
and turned into an ebook yet another decade later. Towards the latter stages
of writing this book, in 1993, I had to pay my membership fee in some organization
in America and because it is a rather small amount of money, I decided to simply
put it in an envelope and mail it out. I remember that I grabbed a piece of
paper from a stack of papers I no longer used and tried to re-use (my contribution
to the safe-guarding of our environment) and put the ‘hard cash’
into it, so that it wouldn’t fall out when the envelope would be opened.
As it turned out, one side of that paper was a copy of a newspaper article on
Oswald’s exhumed body. When the director and founder of that organization
thanked me for renewing my membership in his organization some weeks later,
he wrote, much to my surprise, “Also, thank you for the news clipping
about Oswald’s body. Articles such as this one keep popping up here and
there ad nauseam, but no one will ever know the truth about it”. Perhaps.
I am either very smart or very naive to think that the truth can still be learned;
still, we set out to uncover it. As assassination researcher Paul Hoch said:
“I simply seem to be able to work on something without looking forward
to find a solution.”
This book is primarily the result of my search for the truth, a search that
I feel has brought some solutions and certainly possible solutions. I hope,
as Harold Weisberg hopes with me, that this book is a book about facts, not
theory, even though facts can lead to the formation of a theory; the other way
round is impossible. What I consider to be the truth could perhaps turn out
to be final truth about the assassination one day; then again, it might be I
didn’t even come close. At one stage, when there was the possibility to
solve this crime once and for all, at that stage this possibility remained just
that: a possibility; it turned out to be a road not taken. That road’s
condition has degenerated over the years; perhaps we shouldn’t even call
it a ‘trail’ any longer. But it is still a path that can be walked.
I have, most unfortunately, not the powers of state to investigate this crime
and afterwards test or validate my theory. I only hope that this book will,
along with all the others already written and still to be written, in some way
change the present climate that hangs over this crime and Kennedy’s presidency:
a stubborn desire by the nation’s leaders to cling to a theory that has
collapsed and a feeling of helplessness among the general public... time and
time again.
I have tried to be as detailed as possible to show that the official version
of the Kennedy assassination is not the truth. In the summer of 1963, Kennedy
expressed his belief that “the highest duty of the writer is to remain
true to himself and let the chips fall where they may. In serving his vision
of the truth, the artist best serves his nation”. Beyond this, there is
only ‘the American dream’ laid down in the Constitution: that everybody
is free to form opinions. Anything short of this is a nightmare.
“It’s a mystery wrapped inside a riddle, inside an enigma.”
David Ferrie in the film ‘JFK’
Many historians accept the notion that history began with the beginning of
the script. Somehow, they feel that words are more accurate than recollected
descriptions of past events. For historians, the words of John 1, ‘in
the beginning there was a word and the word was with God and the word was God’
seem to sum up how we should look upon history. The myths of the ancients are
only accepted as an example of how these people tried to grasp reality, tried
to imagine how the world could function. And, of course, they always came short
in grasping it, in the opinion of the historians. The idea that these people
used myths as a means of recording past events seems beyond comprehension to
modern historians. The often divine events which are stored in these myths is
beyond comprehension to modern historians and therefore they disregard them,
assuming and claiming these myths are just figments of the ancients’ imagination.
History, dictionaries explain, is the story of how something happened. History
is the account of events, of what happened, i.e. of which the reality or occurrence
is sure. Because of this, many people equal ‘history’ with ‘truth’,
even though it seems many historians don’t. Truth means that a representation
of an event is identical to what really happened. Ethically and philosophically,
this implies that history should be the truth about past events. To many people,
myths are no part of history since those who should protect the truthfulness
of history, the historians, have ‘ruled’ so. Myths cannot be a part
of history simply because historians believe the spoken word is much more inaccurate
than the written one. Because of this assumption, people believe myths do not
describe what happened; they are looked upon as a lie. In some mischievous way,
the notion that myths could be inaccurate has changed into the assumption that
they are lies.
These are the facts. On November 22, 1963, at 12h30 CST, the 35th President
of the United States of America, President John Fitzgerald Kennedy, was shot
in Dealey Plaza, Dallas, Texas. Thirty minutes later, at 13h00, President Kennedy
was officially declared dead by Dr. Kemp Clark at Parkland Memorial Hospital
in Dallas. At 13h50, a suspect in the killing of Dallas Police Patrolman J.D.
Tippit was arrested. Officer Tippit had been killed while patrolling the residential
Oak Cliff-area in Dallas around 13h10, even though ‘patrolling’
might not be the correct word: there seems to be no justified reason why he
was where he was. The suspect in this crime was 24-year-old male Lee Harvey
Oswald, who, when arrested inside the Texas Theatre in Dallas, possibly carried
a weapon which he tried to use against the arresting officers of the Dallas
Police Department.
The suspect, Lee Harvey Oswald, was, while in Police custody, also the subject
of an enquiry by Captain John Will Fritz of the Dallas Police Department in
connection with the assassination of President Kennedy. Captain Fritz was informed
one Lee Harvey Oswald was already in police custody at that time. Why? Oswald
worked in a building along the route of the presidential motorcade, in the immediate
vicinity of the scene of the crime. At a roll-call, Oswald was one of those
absent. Some witnesses in Dealey Plaza had informed Dallas Police officers of
hearing shots coming from the Texas School Book Depository, situated to the
North of the Plaza. Around 13hl5, an assassin’s nest was found on the
sixth floor of this building, containing three spent rifle cartridges. Only
a few minutes later, a rifle was found in the immediate vicinity of this nest.
This rifle was identified as a 7.65 mm Mauser. Later that day, at Dallas Police
headquarters, this rifle was identified as a 6.5mm Manlicher-Carcano. That night,
FBI agents in Chicago helped trace this rifle (the 6.5mm Manlicher-Carcano)
to one A.J. Hidell, Post Office Box 2955, Dallas, Texas. This PO Box belonged
to the suspect, Lee Harvey Oswald. The gun allegedly found on Oswald at the
time of arrest was also traced to this Post Office Box.
On the evening of November 22, 1963, the suspect Lee Harvey Oswald was officially
charged with killing DPD Patrolman J.D. Tippit. Possibly that same evening Lee
Harvey Oswald might have been charged with the assassination of President Kennedy.
While being transferred from the Dallas Police Headquarters to the Dallas County
Jail, the charged suspect in the assassination of J.D.Tippit and possibly the
charged suspect in the assassination of President Kennedy was shot by Jack Ruby,
nightclub owner in Dallas, Texas, in the basement of the Dallas Police Headquarters
on November 24, 1963, at 11h21. At 13h07, the victim, Lee Harvey Oswald, died
at Parkland Memorial Hospital, Dallas.
Vice President Lyndon Baines Johnson was sworn in as 36th President of the United
States of America on board of Air Force One at Love Field Airport, Dallas, at
14h38, November 22, 1963. On November 29, 1963, President Johnson signed Executive
Order No. 11130, establishing the President’s Commission on the Assassination
of President Kennedy, commonly referred to as the Warren Commission. This seven-member
commission concluded that Lee Harvey Oswald, unaided, was the assassin in both
crimes. Their report was released on September 24, 1964. All Commission members
signed the report.
Because of continuing rumors and speculations, the U.S. House of Representatives passed, on September 17, 1976, House Resolution 222, thus establishing the House Select Committee on Assassinations. The Committee’s task was to reinvestigate the deaths of both President Kennedy and Martin Luther King, Jr. The investigators of the Kennedy assassination also needed to evaluate the Warren Commission’s conclusions. On July 17, 1979, the chairman of the HSCA, Repr. Louis Stokes (Ohio, Democrat), released the Committee’s final report. It concluded that, even though the Warren Commission’s investigation showed numerous flaws, Lee Harvey Oswald was the assassin of J.D.Tippit and President Kennedy, thus apparently confirming the conclusions reached by the Warren Commission.
But whereas the Warren Commission had concluded that only three shots were fired (one hitting Kennedy and Governor Connally, one killing Kennedy and one injuring bystander James Tague), the HSCA concluded four shots were fired. The fourth shot, the HSCA concluded, was shot from what was commonly known as the ‘grassy knoll’-area in Dealey Plaza. The HSCA concluded this shot missed the President, injuring nobody. The HSCA speculated that as a result of this second gunman, there might have been a conspiracy to assassinate President Kennedy. Later, other governmental agencies said there was nothing to these speculations and that Oswald, to them, was still the unaided assassin of Kennedy. However, it may come as a surprise to many, to learn that the official government position, as per the House Select Committee on Assassinations, is that there were two gunmen and that there might have been a conspiracy.
Ten years previously, in 1968, District Attorney Jim Garrison from New Orleans, Louisiana, charged Clay Shaw, director of the International Trade Mart in New Orleans, with complicity in the assassination of the President Kennedy. The jury, instructed to answer the question whether or not there had been a conspiracy to kill President Kennedy and, should this be the case, whether or not the accused, Clay Shaw, was an accomplice in this conspiracy, answered positively to the first question and negative to the second. This still stands as the only official verdict of a conspiracy in the assassination.
The description of the events relating to President Kennedy’s assassination as they are represented above, is about the only historical correct representation of the events, in light of the current atmosphere in which conspiracy theories of the ‘assassination buffs’ are not accepted as truth. Many historians, however, say Oswald killed President Kennedy from the sixth floor with his rifle. That Oswald acted alone. That is about all that seems to be needed to say about his death. If lucky, the author rearranges his text as to make a small paragraph of that statement. This description fails in most ways to accurately represent or in trying to depict the actual events unfolding around this assassination. Yet few people and even less historians have looked deeper into this matter. Instead of investigating, they have accepted the ‘fact’ Oswald killed President Kennedy.
Oswald didn’t have any reason to shoot him; in fact, historians, prior
to the Kennedy assassination, had more or less come to the agreement that all
people who took a shot a President of the United States were ‘lone nuts’.
To them, Oswald was just another example of their previously conceived theory.
Since the Warren Commission’s conclusions fit their opinions, these conclusions
simply had to be correct. Instead of searching for the truth, journalists, those
people who write about the most recent past, and historians accepted the Commission’s
findings. Most probably, the reason for this blind faith was the idea that,
since the Commission seemed to have searched for the truth and was able to reach
a conclusion about the events, they had acted as true historians: separate facts
from fiction and rumors.
President Johnson’s initial reaction when he received the Commission’s
Report shows this point, even though Johnson did not intend it that way. ‘Uh...
it’s heavy’. With over nine hundred pages, the Warren Report looked
as if it had investigated every aspect of the assassination; there were 26 volumes.
With over 25,000 pages of writing, how could this possibly not be the
truth? The old myth that words and truth were synonyms had won again.
Critics of the Warren Report pointed out the many and major weaknesses the Report contained. In fact, as will be discussed later, the Warren Report, i.e. the conclusions drawn from the Warren Commission Documents, contradicted the information that was present inside the very Warren Commission Documents itself! The critics, using the Warren Commission Documents plus documents never sent to the Commission but immediately filed into the National Archives or other archives began to construct a somewhat, if not totally, different picture of the assassination. Instead of a lone nut killing the President, the picture that emerged was one of a conspiracy. These ‘buffs’ - as they were called for several decades - knew Poul Anderson’s statement: “I have yet to see any problem, however complicated, which when you look at it in the right way, did not become still more complicated.”
Defenders of the Warren Report and historians argue that the lone nut-theory
is difficult to accept for some people since it makes you realize that history
and events are shaped by random events; that history is nothing more than some
nuts and bolts put together in such a way that there is chaos, not order. Implied
in this message is, of course, the message that the defenders of the Warren
Report and historians, in their infinite wisdom, have been able to master this
difficulty.
But what if, in fact, the events of November 22, 1963 go deeper than what is
reported as history? What if there was a conspiracy, going beyond a few lone
nuts? Perhaps another question should be asked. Is it too difficult to believe
that there was a conspiracy in President Kennedy’s death? After all, aren’t
such things ‘un-American’? And maybe that is the main reason why lone nuts kill
American presidents, rather than conspirators. Sure, these things have happened
before, but it always seems to be in other countries. Coming to terms with the
possible fact that your very own country, which you probably love, did the very
same thing, is very difficult. When a lone nut kills a President, the citizen
can go to bed safely, possibly crying yourself asleep because of the loss of
a president. Nobody could have prevented it happening, nobody in his right mind
would aim at the President of the United States, leader of that great nation.
When your president is killed by an organized group of people who planned it
into the fine details, you either stay awake, afraid of going to bed because
you realize that if they can get a president they can easily get you or you
decide to ignore this ‘terrible’ thought and seek refuge into that
nice myth of a deranged person killing a president.
History, however, has also learned that if you run away from events, they will come to haunt you, much stronger than they would have initially if you had dealt with the problem then, once and for all. Nixon, either afraid or disgusted with Kennedy, removed a plaque in the presidential bedroom which read that Kennedy had slept there. No president wants Kennedy’s image to haunt him in his own bedroom. That means you go to bed and you are still forced to see the message of his death; a message that is probably Kennedy’s ultimate legacy. Nixon, by removing the plaque, also took away the only item that might have made him think about the assassination. As he himself had said so often: “I don’t study the assassination because I feel there is nothing to learn from.” Perhaps he should have let the plaque stay, as an invitation to think about the assassination and about what statement was made when Kennedy died. Nixon, like so many others, failed to see that message. Kennedy himself believed that “we seek a free flow of information... a nation that is afraid to let people judge the truth and falsehood in an open market is a nation afraid of its people.”
“Facts do not cease to exist because they are ignored.”
Aldous Huxley
In the American system of law, a man is innocent until proven otherwise. Or
at least that’s the theory. To determine whether a man is innocent or
guilty of the crimes he has been charged with, the defendant has the right to
a trial, where a jury of twelve selected citizens has to decide whether the
evidence brought to the court’s attention during the trial is strong enough
so that the jury’s verdict reads guilty. Quite clearly, the probable defendant
who was charged for the assassination of President Kennedy and Patrolman J.D.Tippit
would have been Lee Harvey Oswald. However, he died before even a date for the
start of the trial was set. Therefore, Lee Oswald never got his days in court;
at least, should the charges against him not have been dropped before the trial
began.
Though it may seem strange, the evidence against Oswald is not as convincing
as some believe. This would have surfaced if Oswald would have had to stand
trial and his attorney(s) wanted to counter the District Attorney’s conclusions.
But because of the impossibility to try Oswald before a court, other methods
had to be used to judge whether he was, in fact, the assassin. The death of
Oswald also signalled the end for the search for other suspects. If there had
been other suspects, the police, aided by such organizations as the FBI and
CIA, could have hunted these suspects down and eventually bring them to trial.
But the immediate conclusion - drawn within hours of the assassination - was
that Oswald acted alone.
A year later, the Warren Commission unanimously decided Lee Harvey Oswald
was indeed the sole assassin of both President Kennedy and Patrolman J.D. Tippit.
Though it may seem this Commission’s only motive was the truth, as Commission
member Gerald Ford claimed, it did rule against the presence of an attorney
representing Lee Oswald’s and his family’s interest. The motive
for this ruling was ... that the Commission was out to seek the truth, not to
blame Oswald of the crime simply because he was the major (and only) suspect.
Seriously? The Warren Commission’s truth turned out to inculpate Lee Oswald
as the assassin in both crimes and it seems only logical that some people thought
the Commission had done just that: blame Oswald because he had been everyone’s
initial and lone suspect.
In retrospect, it is clear that the Warren Commission played both District Attorney
and jury. But nowhere is it shown they played defense attorney. Therefore the
jury’s verdict is simply based on the District Attorney’s reasoning,
a reasoning which has to make the defendant look guilty because if this is not
the case, the District Attorney shouldn’t even have brought that person
to trial in the first place. Because of the lack of a defense attorney and of
the simple fact that a commission is not the same as a jury trial, the Warren
Commission’s conclusion has to receive a critical analysis. If they can
stand the test, their verdict stands. If not...
In order to have killed somebody with a fire-arm, you have to have fired that
weapon in the general direction of that person. Therefore, the Dallas Police
had to find out whether or not Oswald had fired a weapon on November 22, 1963.
To find out, Dallas Police administered a paraffin-test to Oswald’s hand
and his right cheek. (They must have assumed Oswald was right-handed since they
didn’t check his left cheek. This negligence could, of course, have been
a fateful mistake.) The test proved positive for both hands and negative for
the right cheek, even though chief of the Dallas FBI-bureau Gordon Shanklin
wrongly ‘informed’ the press that nitrates had been found on the
right cheek. D.A. Henry Wade, receiving the results of the test, told the media
that the paraffin-test had established Oswald had fired a gun. Of course, Oswald
was arrested for the murder of Tippit, who had been shot with a gun, whereas
Kennedy was shot with a riffle. The paraffin-test therefore suggested Oswald
had not shot at Kennedy.
As such, critics of the Warren Commission pointed out that the tests proved
Oswald didn’t shoot with a rifle because the test proved negative for
the cheek. But experts disagreed with the simple logic. They claimed a revolver
had space between the cylinders, which gave room for the gasses to escape, thus
making Oswald test positive, i.e. he had fired a gun that day. A rifle, however,
had no such gap between the chamber and barrel because the cartridge sealed
the chamber off, not allowing any gases to escape. This meant a cheek-test could
prove negative even though the man had fired a rifle.
These conclusions therefore seem to show that Oswald shot at J.D.Tippit with
a revolver. Do they? Actually, they don’t since the paraffin-test only
shows whether or not there are nitrates on the hands and cheek (or on any other
part of the body for that matter). Though it is true gunpowder residue contains
nitrates, tobacco, urine, cosmetics, paint and several other substances contain
nitrates as well. Mere contact with any of these products can trigger a positive
result. Indeed, to their credit, the Warren Commission concluded that a paraffin-test
only indicated whether or not there were nitrates on the hands or cheek and
that this didn’t show anything about whether or not someone had fired
a weapon.
On the issue of the paraffin-test, we see that the Commission played the role
of the jury correctly, not accepting a District Attorney’s reasoning,
which would be that the test showed Oswald shot a gun.
The next step is to find out if the rifle used in this crime showed any signs
of Oswald handling it. The Warren Commission had this to say about the search
for fingerprints on the rifle: “A few minutes after the rifle was discovered
on the sixth floor of the Depository Building it was examined by Lt. J.C. Day
of the identification bureau of the Dallas Police. He lifted the rifle by the
wooden stock after his examination convinced him the wood was too rough to take
fingerprints. So the Warren Commission had bad luck since this was where the
assassin, believed to be Oswald, would have held the rifle while firing it.
John Carl Day then went on to inspect the knob of the bolt, but he discovered
no prints on that part of the rifle. Then “he (Day) applied fingerprint
powder to the side of the metal housing near the trigger, and noticed traces
of two prints.”
According to Day, the “FBI ordered me not to make a comparison between
the rifle print and Oswald’s print”, which is remarkable - the FBI
did not want to find out whether or not Oswald had handled the rifle! Some time
later, around 23h45, the rifle was handed over to FBI-agent Vincent Drain, who
took it to Washington, to the FBI Laboratory, where Sebastian F. Latona, on
the morning of November 23, examined the rifle. He found the areas where prints
were visible protected by cellophane. Latona, however, concluded the prints
were insufficient for identification and that they were of no value. He processed
the complete weapon and found no other identifiable prints. His boss, FBI-director
J.E. Hoover therefore signed the statement that “no latent prints of value
were developed on Oswald’s revolver, the cartridge cases, the unfired
cartridge, the clip in the rifle or the inner parts of the rifle.”
(my emphasis)
However, contrary to the above conclusions, the Warren Commission argues that
Lt. Day did lift a palm print from the rifle, found on the inner parts of the
rifle. Day claimed the lifting was so complete that no trace of the print was
left. A member of his lab, Rusty Livingstone, verified that the lifting was
complete, but also claimed that the print was not fresh, but that it was an
old print. This means that even though there might have been a print on the
rifle, there is no evidence Oswald handled the rifle that day, which says enough.
Even so, there is no record of such a discovery on November 22. This ‘evidence’
was only released on November 26 and arrived at FBI headquarters on November
29.
Even though the Warren Commission said the lifting was so complete that no trace
of the print was left, Lt. Day believed there were sufficient traces left on
the rifle barrel. During his examination of the rifle, FBI-expert Latona didn’t
see these traces. Lt. Day said he nevertheless ‘specifically pointed out
the print to Agent Drain when I gave him the rifle.’ FBI-agent Drain denied
this had happened and said the palm print had been faked.
The FBI, trying to clarify the matter, attempted to make Day certify a statement
that he lifted the palm print, something Lt. Day declined to do. Though this
might be a prime example of interdepartmental rivalry and dissatisfaction, it
does seem rather strange Day would not officially state he had found the palm
print.
The sniper’s nest on the 6th floor of the Book Depository,
and the position in which the rifle was allegedly found.
Because of this unbinding commitment of someone who claimed he had lifted a
palm print but who didn’t want to go on record as saying he had done just
what he had been telling everyone he had done, the Warren Commission doubted
the legitimacy of the palm print. A memorandum from Rosen to Belmont at the
FBI, dated August 28, 1964, states: “Rankin (the Commission’s Chief
Council) advised ... there was a serious question in the minds of the Commission
as to whether or not the palm print ... is a legitimate latent palm impression
or whether it was obtained from some other source and that for this reason this
matter needs to be resolved.” It seems only likely the FBI tried, once
again, to get an official statement from Day.
There is ‘reasonable doubt’ about the legitimacy of this print when
we look into the chain of possession of the evidence. The idea of ‘chain
of evidence’ means that the whereabouts/possession of a piece of evidence
has to be known at all times if this evidence wants to be admitted as evidence
during a trial. On the afternoon of November 24, hours after Oswald was killed
in the basement of the Dallas Police Department, the rifle was returned to Dallas.
Two days later, the rifle was again returned to Washington. No plausible reason
was given why the weapon had to be flown back and forth between Washington and
Dallas. Is there a reason?
Coincidentally or not, the corpse of Lee Oswald was taken to Miller Funeral
Home after he was declared dead on November 24 and before he was buried on November
25. The Director of the Funeral Home, Paul Groody, stated that the FBI came
to fingerprint Oswald’s corpse while it was in his Funeral Home. He even
had to remove the ‘dirt’ from Oswald’s fingers afterwards.
Most interestingly, FBI agent Richard Harrison said he had personally driven
an FBI agent and the rifle to the Funeral Home. Harrison said he ‘understood
that the agent intended to place Oswald’s palm print on the rifle for
comparison purposes’ (my emphasis). Why this was done is unclear:
Oswald was fingerprinted while in police custody and these prints were in pristine
condition, thus eliminating the need to take new fingerprints.
After these new prints were taken, the rifle was returned to Washington and
Lt. Day suddenly released his data of having found a palm print on the rifle
as early as November 22. Three days later, the palm print arrived at the FBI
in Washington and Latona identified this palm print as the right palm print
of Lee Harvey Oswald. However, he was unable to determine the time elapsed since
the placing of the print and the date of the lift. Perhaps this was just as
well since there is a reasonable chance the print was placed only when the FBI
fingerprinted Oswald’s corpse, not when the rifle was allegedly fired
in Dealey Plaza.
If there had been one, Oswald’s defense attorney could have argued that
the FBI-agent lifting the palm print ‘for comparison purposes’ from
Oswald’s corpse, was, probably unconsciously, placing the palm print on
the rifle which Lt. Day claimed to have lifted on November 22. Lt. Day, however,
only released this information on November 26 and declined to certify he had
lifted the palm print on November 22. Furthermore, to the FBI, there was nothing
to compare with since no palm print was reported to the FBI (or to anyone else,
for that matter) prior to November 26.
To put it in simple terms: the Warren Commission claims there was indeed a palm
print lifted from the rifle on November 22, but there is no evidence to back
this conclusion. In fact, should we have to draw a conclusion as to when the
palm print was lifted, the most sound explanation, perhaps even coming close
to as being beyond reasonable doubt, is that the palm-print was lifted after
the rifle had been pressed against Oswald’s corpse’s palm while
lying in the Funeral Home.
After the FBI had fingerprinted Oswald’s corpse, D.A. Wade, on Monday November 25, said: ‘Let’s see ... his fingerprints were found on the gun. Have I said that?’ Interestingly, he hadn’t said that: that was the first time he did. Wade also said that the strongest evidence against Oswald was the ‘fact’ that his prints were found on the rifle. That Monday evening, the Dallas Times Herald headlined: ‘OSWALD’S PRINTS REVEALED ON RIFLE KILLING KENNEDY.’ Clearly, this statement was blatantly false since, even though the Herald might have had inside information about Day having lifted a palm print from the rifle (should this indeed have happened), the FBI only received the palm print on November 29 and therefore couldn’t conclude (and didn’t conclude) the palm print was Oswald’s on November 25, the day the Herald carried the headline. Day had specifically said that the FBI had ordered him not to make a comparison. The press reported a rumor, not a fact. Interestingly, Chief Curry said that if they could “get” a print on the rifle, that would prove to him (and beyond doubt) Oswald was the assassin. It seems someone took the word “get” a bit too literally.
Because of the placement of the palm print, the Warren Commission had to conclude that Oswald had handled the rifle when it was disassembled. To strengthen their conclusion, they said that palm prints were as unique as fingerprints. Some experts agree on this uniqueness; others disagree. Either way, there is no evidence that Oswald handled the weapon on the day of the assassination.
However, we have made an assumption. It is an assumption that seems so evident the Commission acted as if it was a minor matter. We have assumed that the rifle found on the scene of the crime is the same as the rifle examined by Lt. Day or/and FBI expert Latona. Just like the Commission did with the palmprint, I have neglected to investigate the evidentiary chain of the rifle, identified by the Warren Commission as a Manlicher-Carcano 6.5mm.
The rifle on the sixth floor of the Depository Building was found by three
officers, Weitzman, Boone and Craig. Capt. Fritz and Lt. Day were called and
identified the weapon. This should mean that Weitzman, Boone and Craig only
saw the rifle but didn’t handle it, whereas Fritz and Day did handle it.
This means that the testimony by Fritz and Day is much more important because
they did a more thorough investigation of the rifle.
Therefore, we will begin with the identification by Lt. J.C. Day. The Warren
Report has this to say: “Lt. Day promptly noted that stamped on the rifle
itself was the serial number C2766, as well as the markings ‘1940’,
‘MADE ITALY’ and ‘Cal. 65”. ‘Promptly’ is
a rather vague description. Most people believe that it means that the rifle
was identified as such at the Book Depository. However, Lt. Day was never asked
whether he identified the rifle at that scene.
WBAP, a local radio-station, broadcasted the following on November 22: ‘Crime
Lt. J.C. Day just came out of that building. Reported British 303 rifle with
telescopic lens.’ Questioned by Commission Council Belin, Day was asked
whether he ever described the rifle as anything but a 6.5 caliber with regard
to the rifle itself. Day replied: ‘I didn’t describe the rifle to
anyone other than police officers.’ Day states he didn’t report
to the WBAP-journalist(s) that it was a British 303 rifle. But Day clearly didn’t
answer Belin’s questions. Since the issue was not pursued, it is very
possible Day did describe the rifle as anything but a 6.5 caliber, but only
to the other police officers, not the media. Day also claimed that driving back
to the office with FBI-agent Odum, Odum radioed in the identity of the rifle.
Odum never mentioned this and was not called before the Warren Commission. Once
again, we see that a claim made by Lt. Day is uncorroborated.
The Commission failed to ask one important question: did Day identify the weapon
at the Book Depository? It failed in forcing Day to answer the question whether
he identified the rifle as something other than a Mannlicher-Carcano 6.5mm.
Answering to the speculation that the name of the rifle appeared on the rifle
itself and should therefore have been identified easily and correctly (i.e.
only as being a 6.5 Mannlicher-Carcano), the Commission stated there was no
manufacturer’s name on the rifle. The only inscription on the rifle was
‘made in Italy’. This does not corroborate the Commission statement,
in the same Report, that there were other inscriptions on the rifle; in fact,
the statements are at odds with each other. It seems nobody noticed this flaw
before the Report was officially released.
The other person that identified the rifle as being a 6.5 mm Mannlicher-Carcano
was Capt. Fritz, who, unlike Day, was not a member of the DPD Identification
section. Before the Warren Commission, Boone, who found the weapon, said he
had heard Capt. Fritz refer to the rifle as being a Mauser. Asked by Commission
Council Ball about this, Fritz denied he did. Ball also asked Fritz whether
he had heard any conversation about the rifle being a Mauser. Fritz answered:
‘I heard all kinds of reports about the rifle. They called it most
everything.’ (my emphasis). Clearly, Fritz had to answer yes or no,
something which he failed to do. Implied, however, Fritz does seem to admit
he heard about the rifle being a Mauser, among other identifications. But Fritz,
like Day, was quite eager not give possibly embarrassing answers.
The testimony by Fritz and Day surely has many inaccuracies. A full-proof identification
of the rifle, on the scene, as being a 6.5 mm Mannlicher-Carcano has definitely
not been proven beyond reasonable doubt, let alone any doubt. What did Boone,
Weitzman and Craig have to say about the rifle they had found? The Report says:
‘the rifle Boone found, a 6.5 millimeter Mannlicher-Carcano.’ Deputy
Eugene Boone, in his report on November 22, however, identified the rifle as
a 7.65 mm German Mauser; “what appeared to be a 7.65mm Mauser with ‘a
telescopic sight. The rifle had want (sic: i.e. what) appeared to be a brownish,
black-stock and blue steel, metal parts.” Boone later said he used Mauser
as a generic term. One wonders how he used 7.65mm. Asked to identify the Mannlicher-Carcano
when appearing before the Warren Commission as the weapon he had found, he stated:
“It looks like the same rifle. I have no way of being
positive.” (my emphasis) This is anything but a positive identification.
A positive identification should read: “It is (in fact) the same rifle.
I am (very) positive of that.” His use of words that it ‘looks like’
the same rifle, implies it resembles the weapon he found, but is not the same
as the one he found. Why did Boone fail to positively identify the weapon? Most
importantly, Boone said he couldn’t identify it “because it didn’t
have his marks on it”. In order to mark a rifle, one has to touch it and
the Commission gave the impression Boone saw but didn’t touch the weapon,
at least not before Day did. Of course, not finding your initials on the rifle
means the rifle shown to you could be not the same rifle you found; that the
rifle was substituted.
Weitzman also claimed it was a Mauser. The Warren Report, in the speculation
and rumors section, claimed that Weitzman had little more than a glimpse of
it. The Report implied that little weight should be given to Weitzman’s
statements. Weitzman stated about the rifle in a signed affadavit that “this
rifle was a 7.65 Mauser bolt action equipped with a 4/18 scope, a thick leather
brownish-black sling on it.” Most certainly, such a detailed description
means Weitzman had a thorough look at the rifle, even though he still might
have been mistaken about the identification of the rifle. This, however, is
unlikely since Weitzman was known to be experienced in guns and had even worked
in gun shops. Weitzman was not called before the Warren Commission and was (therefore)
not asked to identify the rifle the Commission had as possibly the one he had
found. At the very least, Weitzman did have a good look at the rifle, contrary
to the Report’s conclusion, and should have been called to testify. Why
wasn’t he, though?
Deputy Sheriff Roger Craig had this to say about him finding the rifle: ‘Boone
and I found the rifle which I might add was a 7.65 Mauser, so stamped on the
barrel.’ What Craig is implying here is obvious: it was easy to identify
the weapon as a Mauser because it was stamped on the rifle itself. You didn’t
even have to know anything about weapons, you only had to be able to read and
notice the inscription. It seems Craig somehow believed they wouldn’t
ask him about what kind of rifle it was (since the Commission had a 6.5 Mannlicher-Carcano,
not a 7.65 Mauser) and outsmarted the Commission, putting into evidence he had
identified it as a Mauser and not, as the Commission probably hoped he would
do, a Mannlicher-Carcano.
With no positive identification of the Mannlicher-Carcano as the rifle being
found on the sixth floor of the Depository Building, there is, in fact, no basis
for the allegation, made by the Commission, that the Mannlicher-Carcano is that
weapon. There were, in fact, negative identifications of the Mannlicher-Carcano
as the weapon found around the sniper’s nest in the TSBD.
Could a rifle (a German Mauser) be switched (with a Mannlicher-Carcano)? Dallas
Police Chief Jesse Curry said that anyone wanting to substitute rifles ‘could
have gotten away with it at the time’ (implied: nobody would have noticed
the substitution). No special precautions were taken to isolate the weapon as
historic evidence, he said. The Warren Commission, if it had faced all available
evidence, should have concluded there is reasonable doubt on this issue. The
possibility exists that the Mannlicher-Carcano was not the rifle found on the
sixth floor of the Depository Building. The Warren Commission, however, failed
to conclude this. Even though D.A. Wade had no first-hand knowledge on the issue,
even he stated, to the media, that he believed the rifle was identified as a
Mauser. It would therefore have been interesting to see whether he would have
used the Mannlicher-Carcano in his efforts to convince the jury of Oswald’s
guilt, should Oswald’s case have been presented in court. The Warren Commission
arrived upon a conclusion, which, once again, was the conclusion of a District
Attorney: trying to blame the defendant.
The Commission continued its quest, trying to find out whether the Mannlicher-Carcano
had recently been fired, trying to link the Mannlicher-Carcano to Oswald, trying
to link the cartridges that were found on the sixth floor of the Depository
Building to the Mannlicher-Carcano and other attempts, like trying to determine
how Oswald might have brought the Mannlicher-Carcano into the Depository Building.
Interesting as some of these attempts might be as to discover the methods and
verify the conclusions of the Commission (cf. appendix to this part), they don’t
really add anything to the case against Oswald since the Mannlicher-Carcano
does not seem to be the weapon used in the crime, the assassination of the President,
or, for that matter, the weapon found on the sixth floor of the TSBD.
So far, there is no proof of Oswald’s guilt, even though the Commission
used two of the three items discussed so far as proof of Oswald’s guilt.
The attempt to place Oswald on the sixth floor of the Book Depository at the
time of the shooting has even turned into a side-issue. However, (falsely, because
it is not based on any evidence) assuming that Oswald did fire the Mannlicher-Carcano,
could turn out to be an interesting issue. There is still the possibility Oswald
used the German Mauser (or any other weapon) to shoot at the President or/and
Governor Connally. Therefore, an investigation into Oswald’s whereabouts
at the time of the shooting has to be made. If Oswald can be placed at the sixth
floor of the Depository Building, he might indeed be the assassin, even though
it would be clear that some of the primary evidence has major shortcomings.
The Warren Report put Oswald on the sixth floor of the Depository during the
assassination, but it even had an eyewitness who testified that Oswald was,
in fact, the assassin he saw in the window on the sixth floor. The Commission’s
star witness was Howard Leslie Brennan, a 45 year old pipe-fitter who, on November
22, was working on a construction project behind the Book Depository. Commission
member Gerald Ford, In an article in LIFE Magazine on October 2, 1964
said that Brennan was their most important witness. Brennan was “the only
known person who actually saw Oswald fire his rifle at President Kennedy.”
LIFE