Economics For Dummies®, 3rd Edition
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Economics is all about humanity’s struggle to achieve happiness in a world full of constraints. There’s never enough time or money to do everything people want, and things like curing cancer are still impossible because the necessary technologies haven’t been developed yet. But people are clever. They tinker and invent, ponder and innovate. They look at what they have and what they can do with it and take steps to make sure that if they can’t have everything, they’ll at least have as much as possible.
Having to choose is a fundamental part of everyday life. The science that studies how people choose — economics — is indispensable if you really want to understand human beings both as individuals and as members of larger organizations. Sadly, though, economics has typically been explained so badly that people either dismiss it as impenetrable gobbledygook or stand falsely in awe of it — after all, if it’s hard to understand, it must be important, right?
I wrote this book so you can quickly and easily understand economics for what it is — a serious science that studies a serious subject and has developed some seriously good ways of explaining human behavior out in the (very serious) real world. Economics touches on nearly everything, so the returns on reading this book are huge. You’ll understand much more about people, the government, international relations, business, and even environmental issues.
The Scottish historian Thomas Carlyle called economics the “dismal science,” but I’m going to do my best to make sure that you don’t come to agree with him. I’ve organized this book to try to get as much economics into you as quickly and effortlessly as possible. I’ve also done my best to keep it lively and fun.
In this book, you find the most important economic theories, hypotheses, and discoveries without a zillion obscure details, outdated examples, or complicated mathematical “proofs.” Among the topics covered are
You can read the chapters in any order, and you can immediately jump to what you need to know without having to read a bunch of stuff that you couldn’t care less about.
Economists like competition, so you shouldn’t be surprised that there are a lot of competing views. Indeed, it’s only through vigorous debate and careful review of the evidence that the profession improves its understanding of how the world works. This book contains core ideas and concepts that economists agree are true and important — I try to steer clear of fads or ideas that foster a lot of disagreement. (If you want to be subjected to my opinions and pet theories, you’ll have to buy me a drink.)
Note: Economics is full of two things you may not find very appealing: jargon and algebra. To minimize confusion, whenever I introduce a new term, I put it in italics and follow it closely with an easy-to-understand definition. Also, whenever I bring algebra into the discussion, I use those handy italics again to let you know that I’m referring to a mathematical variable. For instance, I is the abbreviation for investment, so you may see a sentence like this one: I think that I is too big.
I try to keep equations to a minimum, but sometimes they help make things clearer. In such instances, I sometimes have to use several equations one after another. To avoid confusion about which equation I’m referring to at any given time, I give each equation a number, which I put in parentheses. For example,
I wrote this book assuming some things about you:
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This book is set up so that you can understand what’s going on even if you skip around. The book is also divided into independent parts so that you can, for instance, read all about microeconomics without having to read anything about macroeconomics. The table of contents and index can help you find specific topics easily. But, hey, if you don’t know where to begin, just do the old-fashioned thing and start at the beginning.
Part 1
IN THIS PART …
Find out what economics is, what economists do, and why these things are important.
Decipher how people decide what brings them the most happiness.
Understand how goods and services are produced, how resources are allocated, and the roles of government and the market.
Chapter 1
IN THIS CHAPTER
Taking a quick peek at economic history
Observing how people cope with scarcity
Separating macroeconomics and microeconomics
Getting a grip on the graphs and models that economists love to use
Economics is the science that studies how people and societies make decisions that allow them to get the most out of their limited resources. And because every country, every business, and every person has to deal with constraints, economics is literally everywhere. For instance, you could be doing something else right now besides reading this book. You could be exercising, watching a movie, or talking with a friend. You should only be reading this book if doing so is the best possible use of your very limited time. In the same way, you should hope that the paper and ink used to make this book have been put to their best use and that every last tax dollar that your government spends is being used in the best way.
Economics gets to the heart of these issues, analyzing the behavior of individuals and firms, as well as social and political institutions, to see how well they convert humanity’s limited resources into the goods and services that best satisfy human wants and desires.
To better understand today’s economic situation and what sort of policy and institutional changes may promote the greatest improvements, you have to look back on economic history to see how humanity got to where it is now. Stick with me: I make this discussion as painless as possible.
For most of human history, people didn’t manage to squeeze much out of their limited resources. Standards of living were quite low, and people lived poor, short, and rather painful lives. Consider the following facts, which didn’t change until just a few centuries ago:
In the last 250 years or so, however, everything changed. For the first time in history, people figured out how to use electricity, engines, complicated machines, computers, radio, television, biotechnology, scientific agriculture, antibiotics, aviation, and a host of other technologies. Each has allowed people to do much more with the limited amounts of air, water, soil, and sea they were given on planet Earth. The result has been an explosion in living standards, with life expectancy at birth now over 70 years worldwide and with many people able to afford much better housing, clothing, and food than was imaginable a few hundred years ago.
Of course, not everything is perfect. Grinding poverty is still a fact in a large fraction of the world, and even the richest nations have to cope with pressing economic problems like unemployment and how to transition workers from dying industries to growing industries. But the fact remains that overall, the modern world is a much richer place than its predecessor, and most nations now have sustained economic growth, which means that living standards rise year after year.
The obvious reason for higher living standards, which continue to rise, is that human beings have recently figured out lots of new technologies, and people keep inventing more. But if you dig a little deeper, you have to wonder why a technologically innovative society didn’t happen earlier.
The Ancient Greeks invented a simple steam engine and the coin-operated vending machine. They even developed the basic idea behind the programmable computer. But they never quite got around to having an industrial revolution and entering on a path of sustained economic growth.
And despite the fact that there have always been really smart people in every society on earth, it wasn’t until the late 18th century, in England, that the Industrial Revolution actually got started and living standards in many nations rose substantially and kept on rising, year after year.
Institutions and policies like these have given people a world of growth and opportunity and an abundance so unprecedented in world history that the greatest public health problem in many countries today is obesity.
The challenge moving forward is to get even more of what people want out of the world’s limited pool of resources. This challenge needs to be faced because problems like infant mortality, child labor, malnutrition, endemic disease, illiteracy, and unemployment are all alleviated by higher living standards and an increased ability to pay for solutions to such problems.
Along those lines, it’s important to point out that many poverty-related problems can be cured by extending to poorer nations the institutions that have already been proven by already-rich countries to lead to rising living standards. In addition, developing nations can also learn from the mistakes that were made by already-rich countries back when they were in the process of figuring out how to raise living standards — mistakes related to promoting economic growth without causing massive amounts of pollution, numerous species extinctions, or widespread resource depletion.
Scarcity is the fundamental and unavoidable phenomenon that creates a need for the science of economics: There isn’t nearly enough time or stuff to satisfy all desires, so people have to make hard choices about what to produce and consume so that if they can’t have everything, they at least have the best that was possible under the circumstances. Without scarcity of time, scarcity of resources, scarcity of information, scarcity of consumable goods, and scarcity of peace and goodwill on Earth, human beings would lack for nothing. Chapter 2 gets deep into scarcity and the tradeoffs that it forces people to make.
Economists analyze the decisions people make about how to best maximize human happiness in a world of scarcity. That process turns out to be intimately connected with a phenomenon known as diminishing returns, which describes the sad fact that each additional amount of a resource that’s thrown at a production process brings forth successively smaller amounts of output.
Like scarcity, diminishing returns is unavoidable, and in Chapter 3, I explain how people very cleverly deal with this phenomenon in order to get the most out of humanity’s limited pool of resources.
The main organizing principle I use in this book is to divide economics into its two broad pieces, macroeconomics and microeconomics:
Underlying both microeconomics and macroeconomics are some basic principles such as scarcity and diminishing returns. Consequently, I spend the rest of Part I explaining these fundamentals before diving in to microeconomics in Part II and macroeconomics in Part III. But first, this section gives you an overview of microeconomics and macroeconomics.
Microeconomics gets down to the nitty gritty, studying the most fundamental economic agents: individuals and firms. This section delves deeper into the micro side of economics, including info on supply and demand, competition, property rights, problems with markets, and the economics of healthcare.
In a modern economy, individuals and firms produce and consume everything that gets made. Supply and demand determine prices and output levels in competitive markets. Producers determine supply, consumers determine demand, and their interaction in markets determines what gets made and how much it costs. (See Chapter 4 for details.)
Individuals make economic decisions about how to get the most happiness out of their limited incomes. They do this by first assessing how much utility, or satisfaction, each possible course of action would give them. They then weigh costs and benefits to select the course of action that will yield the greatest amount of utility possible given their limited incomes. These decisions generate the demand curves that affect prices and output levels in markets. I cover these decisions and demand curves in Chapter 5.
In a similar way, the profit-maximizing decisions of firms generate the supply curves that affect markets. Every firm will decide what to produce and how much to produce by comparing costs and revenues. A unit of output will only be produced if doing so will increase its maker’s profit. In particular, a firm will only produce a unit if the increase in revenue from selling it exceeds the unit’s cost of production. This behavior underpins the upward slope of supply curves and how they affect prices and output levels in markets, as I discuss in Chapter 6.
You may not feel warm and fuzzy about profit-maximizing firms, but economists love them — just as long as they’re stuck in competitive industries. The reason is that firms that are forced to compete end up satisfying two wonderful conditions:
Unfortunately, not every firm is constrained by competition. And when that happens, firms don’t end up acting in socially optimal ways. The most extreme case is monopoly, a situation where there’s only one firm in an industry — meaning that it has absolutely no competition. Monopolies behave very badly, restricting output in order to drive up prices and inflate profits. These actions hurt consumers and may go on indefinitely unless the government intervenes.
A less-extreme case of lack of competition is oligopoly, a situation in which only a few firms are in an industry. In such situations, firms often make deals not to compete against each other so that they can keep prices high and make bigger profits. However, these firms often have a hard time keeping their agreements with each other. This fact means that oligopoly firms often end up competing against each other despite their best efforts not to. Consequently, government regulation isn’t always needed. You can read more about monopolies in Chapter 8 and oligopolies in Chapter 9.
Monopolies, oligopolies, and poorly designed property rights all lead to what economists like to call market failures — situations in which markets don’t deliver socially optimal outcomes. Two other common causes of market failure are asymmetric information and public goods:
I discuss both these situations, and ways to deal with them, in Chapter 11.
Almost everyone is deeply concerned about access to affordable, high-quality medical care — medical care delivered through government-run national health systems, through employer-sponsored health insurance, or by direct payments made by consumers. Each system provides different incentives that can affect efficiency, usage, and cost — sometimes quite perversely. Chapter 12 gets you up to date on the incentives, regulations, and policies that determine how both coverage and affordability can be improved from an economics standpoint.
People aren’t always rational, and that matters because most of economics was developed by asking what a rational person would do in one situation or another. Behavioral economics fills in the gaps by looking at decision-making when people aren’t being rational. Four billion years of evolution has left us with brains that are prone to errors, including being overconfident and too focused on the present, being easily confused by irrelevant information, and being unable to see the bigger picture when making financial decisions. I spend Chapter 13 rationally explaining all this irrational behavior. It’s crazy fun.
Macroeconomics treats the economy as a unified whole. Studying macroeconomics is useful because certain factors, such as interest rates and tax policy, have economy-wide effects and also because when the economy goes into a recession or a boom, every person and every business is affected. This section gives you an overview of macroeconomics.
Economists measure gross domestic product (GDP), the value of all goods and services produced in a nation’s economy in a given period of time, usually a quarter or a year. Totaling up this number is vital because if you can’t measure how the economy is doing, you can’t tell whether government polices intended to improve the economy are helping or hurting. Chapter 14 explains GDP in more depth.
Inflation measures how prices in the economy increase over time. This topic, inflation, is the focus of Chapter 15, and it is crucial because high rates of inflation usually accompany huge economic problems, including deep recessions and countries defaulting on their debts.
It’s also important to study inflation because poor government policy is the sole culprit behind high rates of inflation — meaning that governments are responsible when big inflations happen.
International trade occurs when consumers, firms, or governments purchase products or resources made in other countries. Because imported goods often compete with locally produced goods, international trade is the subject of endless political controversy and attempts to erect import duties or numerical quotas to keep foreign goods out and thereby make life easier for domestic producers.
Those disputes are intensified by concerns about whether foreign working conditions are humane, whether foreign producers are unfairly subsidized by their governments, and whether currency exchange rates are being manipulated by foreign governments to give their own firms a cost advantage over firms in other countries. Chapter 14 explains how economists analyze these and other globalization issues.
Recessions linger because institutional factors in the economy make it very hard for prices in the economy to fall. If prices could fall quickly and easily, recessions would quickly resolve themselves. But because prices can’t quickly and easily fall, economists have had to develop antirecessionary policies to help get economies out of recessions as quickly as possible.
The man most responsible for developing antirecessionary policies was the English economist John Maynard Keynes, who in 1936 wrote the first macroeconomics book about fighting recessions. Chapter 16 introduces you to his model of the economy and how it explicitly takes account of the fact that prices can’t quickly and easily fall to get you out of recessions. It serves as the perfect vehicle for illustrating the two things that can help get you out of a recession.
In the first decades after Keynes’s antirecessionary ideas were put into practice, they seemed to work really well. However, they didn’t fare so well during the 1970s, and it became apparent that although monetary and fiscal policy were powerful antirecessionary tools, they had their limitations.
For this reason, Chapter 17 also covers how and why monetary and fiscal policy are constrained in their effectiveness. The key concept is called rational expectations. It explains how rational people very often change their behavior in response to policy changes in ways that limit the effectiveness of those changes. It’s a concept that you need to understand if you’re going to come up with informed opinions about current macroeconomic policy debates.
Financial crises are recessions triggered by the failure of important financial institutions to keep their financial promises. Such failures often happen after consumers or businesses take on too much debt and are unable to repay loans to banks. Sometimes they occur when a government takes on too much debt and cannot repay its bondholders. Chapter 18 discusses the causes and consequences of financial crises.
Economists like to be logical and precise, which is why they use a lot of algebra and other math. But they also like to present their ideas in easy-to-understand and highly intuitive ways, which is why they use so many graphs.
The graphs economists use are almost always visual representations of economic models. An economic model is a mathematical simplification of reality that allows you to focus on what’s really important by ignoring lots of irrelevant details. For instance, the economist’s model of consumer demand focuses on how prices affect the amounts of goods and services that people want to buy. Obviously, other things, such as changing styles and tastes, affect consumer demand as well, but price is key.
To avoid a graph-induced panic as you flip through the pages of this book, I spend a few pages helping you get acquainted with what you encounter in other chapters. Take a deep breath; I promise this won’t hurt.
When economists look at demand, they simplify by concentrating on prices. Consider orange juice, for example. The price of orange juice is the major thing that affects how much orange juice people are going to buy. (I don’t care which dietary trend is in vogue — if orange juice cost $50 a gallon, you’d probably find another diet.) Therefore, it’s helpful to abstract from those other things and concentrate solely on how the price of orange juice affects the quantity of orange juice that people want to buy.
Suppose that economists go out and survey consumers, asking them how many gallons of orange juice they would buy each month at three hypothetical prices: $10 per gallon, $5 per gallon, and $1 per gallon. The results are summarized in the following table:
Gallons of Orange Juice That Consumers Want to Buy |
|
Price |
Gallons |
$10 |
1 |
$5 |
6 |
$1 |
10 |
Economists refer to the quantities that people would be willing to purchase at various prices as the quantity demanded at those prices. What you find if you look at the data in the preceding table is that the price of orange juice and the quantity demanded of orange juice have an inverse relationship with each other — meaning that when one goes up, the other goes down.
The best way to see the quantity demanded at various prices is to plot it out on a graph. In the standard demand graph, the horizontal axis represents quantity, and the vertical axis represents price.
In Figure 1-1, I’ve graphed the orange juice data in the preceding table and marked three points and labeled them A, B, and C. The horizontal axis of Figure 1-1 measures the number of gallons of orange juice that people demand each month at various prices per gallon. The vertical axis measures the prices.
Point A is the visual representation of the data in the top row of the preceding orange juice table. It tells you that at a price of $10 per gallon, people want to purchase only 1 gallon per month of orange juice. Similarly, Point B tells you that they demand 6 gallons per month at a price of $5, and Point C tells you that they demand 10 gallons per month at a price of $1 per gallon.
Notice that I’ve connected the Points A, B, and C with a line. I’ve done this to make up for the fact that the economists who conducted the survey asked about what people would do at only three prices. If they’d had a big enough budget to ask consumers about every possible price ($8.46 per gallon, $2.23 per gallon, and so on), there’d be an infinite number of dots on the graph. But because they didn’t do that, I draw a straight line passing through the data points, which should do a pretty good job of estimating what people’s demands are for prices that the economists didn’t survey.
The straight line connecting the points in Figure 1-1 is a demand curve. I know it doesn’t curve at all, but for simplicity, economists use the term demand curve to refer to all plotted relationships between price and quantity demanded, regardless of whether they’re straight or curvy lines. (This is consistent with the fact that economists are both eggheads and squares.)
Straight or curvy, you can visualize the fact that price and quantity demanded have an inverse relationship: When price goes up, quantity demanded goes down. The inverse relationship implies that demand curves slope downward.
Generalizing a bit, you can also see that the slope of a demand curve gives quick intuition about the sensitivity of the inverse relationship between price and quantity demanded. If a demand curve is very steep, then you know that it would take a large change in price to cause a small change in quantity demanded. By contrast, a very flat demand curve tells you that a small change in price would result in a large change in quantity demanded.
Extending that reasoning even further, you can see that demand curves with changing slopes (that is, demand curves that aren’t perfectly straight lines) tell you that the relationship between price and quantity demanded varies. On the steeper parts of such curves, a change in price causes a relatively small change in quantity demanded. On the flatter part of such curves, a change in price causes a relatively large change in quantity demanded.
Graphing out a demand curve allows for a much greater ability to make quick predictions. For instance, you can use the straight line I’ve drawn in Figure 1-1 to estimate that at a price of $9 per gallon, people would want to buy about 2 gallons of orange juice per month. I’ve labeled this Point E on the graph.
Suppose that you can see only the data in the preceding orange juice table and can’t look at Figure 1-1. Can you quickly estimate for me how many gallons per month people are likely to demand if the price of orange juice is $3 per gallon? Looking at the second and third rows of this table you have to conclude that people will demand somewhere between 6 and 10 gallons per month. But figuring out exactly how many gallons will be demanded would take some time and require some annoying calculations.
By contrast, if you look at Figure 1-1, it’s easy to figure out how many gallons per month people would demand at $3 per gallon. You start at $3 on the vertical axis, move sideways to the right until you hit the demand curve at Point F, and drop down vertically until you get to the horizontal axis, where you discover that you’re at 8 gallons per month. (To clarify, I’ve drawn in a dotted line that follows this path.) As you can see, using a figure rather than a table makes coming up with model-based predictions much, much simpler.
Try a simple exercise that involves plotting some points and drawing lines between them. Imagine that the government came out with a research report showing that people who drink orange juice have lower blood pressure, fewer strokes, and a better sex life than people who don’t drink orange juice. What do you think will happen to the demand for orange juice? Obviously, it should increase.
Introducing your first model: The demand curve
Gallons of OJ That Consumers Want to Buy After Reading New Government Report |
|
Price |
Gallons |
$10 |
4 |
$5 |
9 |
$1 |
13 |
Your assignment, should you choose to accept it, is to plot these three points on Figure 1-1. After you’ve done that, connect them with a straight line. (Yes, you can write in the book!)
What you’ve just created is a new demand curve that reflects people’s new preferences for orange juice in light of the government survey. Their increased demand is reflected in the fact that at any given price, they now demand a larger quantity of juice than they did before. For instance, whereas before they wanted only 1 gallon per month at a price of $10, they now would be willing to buy 4 gallons per month at that price.
There is still, of course, an inverse relationship between price and quantity demanded, meaning that even though the health benefits of orange juice make people demand more orange juice, people are still sensitive to higher orange juice prices. Higher prices still mean lower quantities demanded, and your new demand curve still slopes downward.
Use your new demand curve to figure out how many gallons per month people are now going to want to buy at a price of $7 and at a price of $2. Figuring these things out from the data in the preceding table would be hard, but figuring them out using your new demand curve should be easy.