reading

Published by AU Press, Athabasca University
1200, 10011 – 109 Street
Edmonton, AB T5J 3S8

Includes bibliographical references and index.
Issued also in electronic format.
ISBN 978-1-897425-03-9 (bound)
ISBN 978-1-897425-05-3 (pbk.)

1. Calgary Stampede–History.
2. Calgary Stampede–Social aspects.
3. Calgary (Alta.)–History.
4. Calgary (Alta.)–Social conditions.
I. Foran, Max

This book is part of the The West Unbound:
Social and Cultural Studies series
ISSN 1915-8181 (print)
ISSN 1915-819X (electronic)

Printed and bound in Canada by AGMV Marquis
Cover and book design by Alex Chan, Studio Reface

All photographs and illustrations courtesy Calgary Stampede, except for the following: Fiona Angus: p. 128; Max Foran: p. 159, 160; Glenbow Archives: p. 8: NA-628-1; p. 21: NA-81-1; p. 61: NA-446-111; p. 73: PA-1326-9; p. 89: NA-5627-33; p. 101: NA-1722-2; p. 147: NA-2864-29706; p. 274: NA-2376-1; p. 315: fig. 2; Stéphane Guevremont: all photographs on pp. 266–267; Library of Congress: p. 175: LC-USZ62-78721.

Please contact AU Press, Athabasca University at aupress@athabascau.ca for permissions and copyright information.

To my longtime friend, Doug Chapman

– Max Foran

Chapter 7 Riding Broncs and Taming Contradictions: Reflections on the Uses of the Cowboy in the Calgary Stampede

Chapter 10 “Cowtown It Ain’t”: The Stampede and Calgary’s Public Monuments

Chapter 12 The Social Construction of the Canadian Cowboy: Calgary Exhibition and Stampede Posters, 1952–1972

Chapter 13 Renewing the Stampede for the 21st Century: A Conversation with Vern Kimball, Calgary Stampede Chief Executive Officer

Acknowledgements

I would like to thank the contributors to this volume, the genesis of which dates back to 2004 and the Faculty of Communication and Culture’s inaugural course on the culture of the Stampede. Their time, effort, and co-operation are greatly appreciated. I would also like to acknowledge the support and cooperation of the Calgary Stampede and especially its generosity in supplying most of the visuals that appear in the book. Here a special thanks goes to Tracey Read, manager, Government Relations and Community Partnership, who helped me so much in so many ways.

Introduction

The idea for this book came as a result of the inaugural course on the Calgary Exhibition and Stampede (Calgary Stampede as of spring 2007) offered by the Faculty of Communication and Culture at the University of Calgary in the summer of 2004. This innovative course was based on guest lectures, many of which were delivered by members of the above faculty. At a get-together following the course there was general agreement among participants that the various lectures might serve a wider purpose if they were transformed into articles and made available to a larger audience. All of the contributors to this book either lectured or were the subjects of reference in the three Stampede courses offered in the summers of 2004, 2005, and 2006.

The course itself grew out of a growing awareness that the Stampede has evolved into a cultural phenomenon. Similar events are held annually throughout North America. Midways, rodeos, parades, performances, and agricultural and other exhibits are all part of an annual fairground tradition in countless cities and towns, yet none evokes reactions as does the Calgary Stampede. Growing up as a boy in Sydney, Australia, I visited the Royal Easter Show every year and was drawn in wonderment to scenes and events very similar to those I was to encounter later in another country and another city. Yet when I donned western garb to attend my first Stampede in 1964, feeling strange and out of place, I had already been imbued with the notion that I was now part of something special, a festive tradition unique to Calgary. In a way, my impression was valid. Unlike the Royal Easter Show, the Stampede was not simply attended; it was experienced. I learned my first and probably most important lesson about the Stampede that day: it had more to do with the act of participation than with offered opportunities. Paradoxically, it has been this capacity to embody a significance that transcends the sum of its various components that explains in part why the Stampede is held in such high and low regard.

The Calgary Stampede can claim many legitimacies. It hosts the premier event in a popular professional sport. In addition to being of significant economic worth to the city, the Stampede is based on a valid historic tradition that dates to the late nineteenth century and provides in many ways an interpretive window into the historical development of the prairie and foothills West. The Stampede has supported agriculture and the livestock industry for almost a century while promoting sports and western art and showcasing other events of cultural and social importance. Its capacity to solicit and organize phenomenal volunteer support is the envy of organizations worldwide. And like it or not, the Calgary Stampede has become a world-class festival that spills out into the streets and carries its own messages within a spectrum of ritual, performance, celebration, and spectacle.

Yet as successful as the Stampede has been in attracting visitors and perpetuating its own popularity, it has also garnered considerable antipathy. Some criticize the Stampede for adhering to middle-class white Anglo-Saxon male values. Others view the Stampede as a money-making machine run by elites that exploits heritage in the interests of profit. A growing number protest the exploitation of animals. Some see the Stampede as little more than a giant hoax whereby illusions are cultivated, dressed up, packaged, and sold without shame. Still others wince at the folly of trying to embed a hokey, hackneyed event into the psyche and image of a dynamic city seeking global status.

Crucial in these allegiances and antipathies is the place of myth in the collective consciousness. Those who see the Stampede as a event during which fun and nostalgia mix freely do not recognize or care about myth. Similarly, those who appreciate myth, who see it as an agent for collective identification, a focus for the localization of universal values, or an entry point for personal interpretations, also have no difficulty accepting and participating in the Stampede cornucopia. Oppositely, it is the regenerating and exploitative capacity of this myth that draws the intense and largely recent criticism of the Stampede. Many cringe at its distortion of history, whereby fantasy is superimposed on fact with layers of glitz, bombast, and commercial hype. These critics see the Stampede as a giant hoax and an anachronism in an urban environment.

The following articles do not attempt to idealize or destroy this myth, nor is their intention to laud or denigrate the Stampede, although they do contain elements of all the above. With some overlapping, unavoidable in a collection of this type, the articles try to provide some perspectives of the enigma that is the Calgary Stampede. Collectively they attempt to answer several questions: What is the reality behind its origins and various components? What messages does the Stampede try to deliver? How did the Stampede go about cultivating its traditions? Where does the City of Calgary fit in? What can the Stampede tell us about First Nations and their treatment? Is the Stampede about more than rodeo, the midway, and artificiality? How can the rodeo and chuckwagon races be explained to urban and international audiences? Who is the cowboy? What are the Stampede organizers’ visions for the future? The articles are wide-ranging in length, subject, tone, approach, and interpretation. Some focus on the Stampede and discuss it in a specific context. Others use the Stampede to explore pertinent themes. Together they furnish a heightened understanding and provide a useful forum for further discourse.

The opening article by Max Foran places the Stampede in its historical context and in effect sets the stage for the more focused articles to follow. He explains the Stampede’s unusual composition and discusses its multiple origins. Foran emphasizes the Stampede’s close relationship with agriculture and argues that it has been pivotal in ensuring Calgary’s continuing importance as a livestock centre. He also feels that in order to appreciate the extent of the Stampede’s contribution to Calgary, it is necessary to separate the ten-day July event from the larger year-round operations of its parent body.

Don Wetherell contends that the Stampede cultivated an invented tradition from the outset. He identifies the formative forces as the role of sport in ennobling manly characteristics, the legitimization of rodeo as a public spectator activity, and the ability of the inaugural Stampedes to inspire similar events elsewhere in the province. After 1923 the annual Exhibitions and Stampedes melded the values of the farmer and rancher with those of the rodeo performer to create both the iconic cowboy and the idealized sanitized virtues for which he stood. Wetherell locates this invented tradition within a risk-taking continuum. He also points out the exclusive place of risk-takers in the invented tradition paradigm. Minorities and the marginalized simply do not qualify.

The historic involvement of First Nations and the Stampede is documented by Hugh A. Dempsey, noted authority on the history of Plains Indians. Dempsey discusses the early involvement of First Nations people in Calgary fairs and traces their association with the Stampede to modern times. He deals extensively with the ongoing dispute with the Indian Affairs Department over the right of First Nations to participate in the Stampede, as well as conflicts between First Nations and Stampede administrators. However, while acknowledging the latter, Dempsey describes a mainly positive relationship and suggests that in many ways the Stampede acted to preserve First Nations traditions and artifacts.

Lorry Felske focuses on the parade that heralds the beginning of every Stampede. He discusses the importance of parades as statements of both diversity and homogeneity and examines the messages they embody. Most significantly, Felske argues that the first Stampede parade of 1912 did not begin a tradition, but rather was a continuing manifestation of a strong parading history in the city. In asserting that the inaugural Stampede parade simply built on existing practices, Felske locates an important dimension of the Calgary Stampede not in the tradition of the Wild West Shows and other vaudeville-type entertainment from which it grew, but in the daily life experiences and street culture of a small western Canadian urban community.

Noting the marginalized but important function of the midway, Fiona Angus sets the Stampede midway in historical and social context. She contends that despite its sanitization over the years, the midway’s ambience has complemented the myth of the Stampede. Angus provides extensive details, both in the text and in endnotes, about the two major companies that have held the midway contracts for most of the Stampede’s existence, describing the police investigation that led to the disappearance of Royal American Shows from Canada and the operations of its successor, Conklin Shows. Though she calls attention to the inherently exploitive nature of the relationship between the midway and its workforce, Angus also sees the midway as adaptable and flexible and credits Conklin with the ability to adjust to changing social mores, demands, and technologies.

In his article on the relationship between the City of Calgary and the Stampede, Max Foran dismisses the contention that the two were collusive. Instead, he argues that they were one and the same, which, he contends, explains their close co-operation. In a discussion of the two expansion issues, he also qualifies the popular perception that the city has consistently been a pawn of elitist Stampede interests. In an interesting speculation, Foran poses reasons why the two purposely keep their distance from each other: the Stampede because it does not want to be perceived as being an agent of the city, the city because it would prefer to see the Stampede take the brunt of public criticism over issues that involve them both.

Tamara Palmer Seiler examines the elusive identity of the Canadian cowboy. She locates him on a grid of influences characterized by values inherent in Canada’s east-west nation-building processes, as opposed to those implicit in a continental north-south dynamic dominated by the United States. The Canadian cowboy necessarily emerges as a contradictory figure amenable to use and manipulation. In the Stampede he is at once an ideal marketing tool, a compatible ideological icon, and a personal embodiment of maverick Calgary and Alberta, while at the same time symbolizing that tantalizing “other” dimension that Canadians employ to distance themselves from Americans.

As its title suggests, Glen Mikkelsen’s article takes the reader behind the chutes into the world of rodeo. He discusses the events and their rules and evokes the mystique of a sport that for all its excitement and danger is little understood by most spectators at the Calgary Stampede. Mikkelsen also probes rodeo at deeper levels. Elements of festival are captured in his discussion of rodeo clowns and the public tolerance of their socially unacceptable verbal exchanges. Mikkelsen’s discussion of animal abuse issues underscores his major argument on the challenges facing rodeo. He speculates on how a sport viewed as anachronistic by many, whose rules are difficult to follow and whose human performers have little presence outside the arena, can continue to command its premier position at the Calgary Stampede.

Aritha van Herk explores the world of chuckwagon racing, an event pioneered by and most identifiable with the Calgary Stampede. She describes the event’s origins, rules, development, and controversial image. She views chuckwagon racing as an activity firmly tied to a sense of place, with a closeknit community of participants and a unique iconic ethos. She also sees its development as local and accidental and “almost shyly naive.” To van Herk, chuckwagon racing is a metaphor for hope, one that anticipates the peace that follows danger. It also touches the essence of a past era, possibly more than anything else the Stampede has to offer.

In his discussion of public art and monuments in Calgary, Frits Pannekoek argues that the best artistic statements about the Stampede are confined to the Stampede grounds, the rural hinterland, and the airport. Elsewhere, Stampede images are most visible in gaudy commercial signage. Pannekoek concludes that to Calgary’s guardians of culture, the Stampede embodies a specific myth contrived for commercial purposes. While public art elsewhere in the city embodies historical and socio-cultural themes, emerging issues, and more refined myths, it has little to do with the Stampede and its rambunctious version of the city’s “official” past.

Brian Rusted explores the controversial topic of western art and its marginalization by contemporary art institutions. He sees its robust survival as fitting evidence of a legitimacy that belongs outside more formal prescriptions. He discusses the Stampede’s contribution to western art through several historic phases and manifestations, including the highly popular Stampede Western Art Show. Yet the results have not been entirely positive. Rusted points out that the Stampede’s current efforts to promote itself through spectator-oriented visual representations have resulted in a popularized view of the West and a virtual abandonment of its relationship to art and visual culture.

In their “reading” of selected Stampede posters, Robert M. Seiler and Tamara Palmer Seiler show how visual texts can be sites of meaning. They see the Stampede posters as emphasizing both nostalgia for the past and a belief in progress and technology. The cowboy is incorporated into both these contradictory themes and thus emerges as an ambiguous figure. Within this context the authors suggest that the Stampede posters are much more open texts than might be imagined, and that the various images of the cowboy are central to the complex struggle over the meaning of western Canadian experience.

The closing article deals with Stampede as seen through its own eyes. Stampede Chief Executive Officer Vern Kimball offers some of his thoughts on where the Stampede has been and where it is going. Kimball acknowledges the past in a tribute to Guy Weadick. He also outlines the Stampede’s plans for the future within parameters defined by Calgary’s changing demographic and the challenges of the twenty-first century. Kimball links the Stampede’s future to its success in developing a permanent physical presence, universally amenable and supportive of a vibrant urban-built form. More significantly, Kimball sees the Stampede as an ideal vehicle through which respect for a locally-grounded tradition can be integrated with the active promotion of the values it embodies. Specifically, these include western hospitality, commitment to community, pride of place, and integrity.

The Calgary Stampede is anything but bland. Some see it as a “ten-day party,” a Disneyesque sham, and a commercial rip-off. Others hail it as “the greatest outdoor show on earth,” a destination event, and a world-class festival rivalling Mardi Gras, Carnivale, or Oktoberfest. Could it be that all perspectives contain valid elements? It is its capacity to conjure up a wide spectrum of emotions; to symbolize the good, the bad, and the crass; to be anything one wants it to be that in part explains the Stampede’s durability and, paradoxically, its popular appeal and denigration. The editor and authors hope this volume will contribute to further discourse about the nature of Calgary’s controversial icon.

C H A P T E R 1

The Stampede in Historical Context

A view of Stampede Park from Scotsman’s Hill, ca. 1908.

“The Stampede is by and of the citizens of Calgary. It is for the world.”

Like many events of its kind, the Calgary Stampede evokes widely divergent reactions. Some embrace the annual Stampede as “the greatest outdoor show on earth,” a festive celebratory tribute to a bygone era. To others it is no more than Coney Island with a hokey cowboy flavour.¹ It seems fair to say that both viewpoints lack the understanding and appreciation necessary for a more realistic and reasoned assessment. It is the intent of this introductory discussion to touch on the composition of the Calgary Stampede as well as the formative forces and evolutionary trends that have helped define its essence over more than a century. This discussion also sets the stage for the more tightly focused articles to follow.

Composition and Structure

The Calgary Exhibition and Stampede, as it was known until 2007, occupies and operates several facilities on 55 hectares (137 acres) of land in Victoria Park a few blocks south of Calgary’s downtown. Its operations, which generated revenues of over $85 million in 2004, fall loosely into three areas. Most notable is the Stampede itself, an annual ten-day festival built around a world-class rodeo, a modern midway, and a frontier western theme that spills beyond the grounds to the city itself. These ingredients absorb the bulk of media attention and inspire intermittent but persistent public debate over the merits or deficiencies of what has been popularly described as “ten mad days in July.” Lost in these perceptions is the Exhibition. Thousands of visitors, after a day spent visiting the midway, watching rodeo, listening to rock bands, or playing blackjack, remain oblivious to the show ring where premier livestock compete for prestigious honours, the impressive art exhibition, or the hundreds of free educational opportunities afforded by diverse and sophisticated exhibits throughout the Exhibition grounds. Finally, the Calgary Stampede organization is a year-round operation. Indeed, in terms of annual attendance, the Stampede itself is not as pivotal as one might imagine. In 1975, for example, of the over three million people who visited the grounds, the Stampede itself accounted for fewer than nine hundred thousand. Over the years, the Exhibition and Stampede has hosted a variety of livestock shows and sales, sports events, trade shows, concerts, and public meetings, making it the undisputed entertainment and gathering centre for the City of Calgary.

The structure of the Stampede organization is a mystery to those who assume it is a private for-profit company. This misconception is understandable, since the Stampede in many ways does function like a private company. It is composed of shareholders who elect a governing board of directors that in turn decides on a president. In addition to the annual Stampede, the board of directors and permanent staff, plus over two thousand volunteers, manage and operate year-round activities and events in Victoria Park. What is not readily understood is the fact that the Stampede has always been a nonprofit company. All senior positions are predicated on long tenure in lesser volunteer capacities. The board of directors receives no remuneration. No dividends are paid to shareholders, whose holdings are limited to twenty-five shares that originally sold for a dollar a share and now cost five dollars each. All surplus monies are redirected to operations and capital investment. The Stampede operates under a free lease and pays no taxes, an arrangement that means all buildings and property covered by the lease are under city title. The city protects its interests by including aldermen on the board of directors; two of them sit on the powerful executive committee. As will be indicated later in this volume, the relationship between the Stampede and the City of Calgary, though close, is very much a partnership of unequals.

Origins

The attention given to the Stampede component of the Exhibition and Stampede Inc., as it is legally known, has led to misconceptions about the organization’s origins. Even some of the more knowledgeable people would cite the inaugural Stampede of 1912, although the real historical foundations lie in the Exhibition and a series of events that led to the amalgamation of the two components in 1923.

The Exhibition dates from 1886. A cornucopia of agricultural, sporting, and other festive activities, the Calgary Exhibition, like hundreds of others across the country, was designed to advertise district wealth, promote settlement, bring business to the host town, and provide an infrequent opportunity for social interaction and entertainment. Except for a brief period in the 1890s, the Exhibition was held every year, originally in the fall and after 1902 in July. By 1911, the year before the first Stampede, it had a home on city-owned land in Victoria Park, a capable permanent manager in the person of Ernie Richardson, and a free five-year renegotiable lease. More significantly, it had become a huge event in the rapidly growing city.

Calgary’s Exhibition became big business in 1908 when the federal government as part of its national program to promote various areas of local government advanced $50,000 for a Dominion Exhibition in Calgary. When this was augmented by a provincial grant of $35,000 and a city donation of $25,000, organizers had an unprecedented budget with which to stage the biggest and best exhibition in western Canada. It lived up to its promise, drawing wide accolades and over one hundred thousand people. A year later, the Alberta Provincial Fair, dubbed as such to reflect government financial backing, drew praise as “the greatest spectacle in the history of the West,” with special kudos reserved for the four-mile-long parade.² Again in 1911, the year before the first Stampede, the Exhibition was described as “the finest fair ever held in the city.”³ It appears, then, that the inaugural Stampede of 1912 should be looked upon not as a groundbreaking extravaganza, but as a variation in a sequence of highly successful fairs that reflected the city’s rapid growth, rural prosperity, and disposable farm income.

During the Dominion Exhibition in 1908, people came to see the Strobel’s airship. The hydrogen-filled, propeller-driven balloon made five successful flights over Victoria Park, but it exploded and burned on its sixth attempt.

The Stampede had its individual genesis at the Dominion Exhibition of 1908 in the unlikely person of an American-born former cowboy and showman, Guy Weadick. As part of the one-day event staged by Miller Brothers 101 Ranch Wild West Show, Weadick saw more potential in the vibrant young city than he did in his own future as a trick roper. He perceived that Calgary was ready for a different kind of Old West re-creation, a frontier celebration that replaced the fantasy and tricks of the Wild West show with authenticity and real cowboy skills presented via a rodeo. Record has it that he was dissuaded by H.C. McMullen, general livestock agent for the Canadian Pacific Railway, who felt that the time was not yet ripe for such an event.⁴ Given the success of the Exhibitions at the time, one wonders at McMullen’s caution. However, evidence suggests that public acceptance of rodeo may not have been as strong as one might expect. According to the Morning Albertan in 1910, rodeo was obsolete. In referring to a dismal rodeo in the city, the newspaper editorialized that “such entertainment is a thing of the past,” and its elements of bull baiting and cruelty made it neither “elevating nor desirable.”⁵ The editorial was supported by a letter to the editor and a tongue-in-cheek article in the Calgary Herald that derided the contestants’ amateurishness and lack of ability.⁶

So why was Weadick successful when he returned to the city in the winter of 1911–12 to follow his vision? The fact that rodeo had remained popular in smaller centres was only a partial reason, as was Weadick’s considerable power of persuasion. Nostalgia was the key to the Stampede of 1912, nostalgia on the part of four cattlemen who had experienced the old days, who had lived through the horrendous winter of 1906–07, who had seen the open range give way to fences and wheat fields, and, most important, who had money. These four men, enshrined in the Canadian Agricultural Hall of Fame as the Big Four, had their own agenda when they backed Weadick’s dream with a credit line of $100,000. While Weadick may have hoped that the Stampede of 1912 would blossom into an annual event anchored by a world-class rodeo, the Big Four saw it as a one-time party, a farewell gesture to a dying way of life. It is ironic that the Stampede with its vigour and unquestioned permanence should have been perceived as “a last hurrah” by the four men who enabled its birth.

In the inaugural Stampede held in September 1912, Weadick succeeded in moving the traditional Wild West performance in a new direction. His idea of re-creating the Canadian frontier experience, as opposed to the exaggerated U.S. model, and wedding it to a major professional rodeo competition was a highly successful innovation, one that he repeated seven years later in the Victory Stampede of 1919. As a postscript, it is unfortunate that in spite of Donna Livingstone’s solid study, Guy Weadick remains underappreciated and understudied by scholars of history and popular culture.⁷

While the first bold move in creating the Stampede component is attributed to Guy Weadick, credit for blending it with the Exhibition is due to Ernie Richardson. As he continued to stage annual Exhibitions after 1913, Richardson found himself wrestling with two problems. By the end of 1922 both had become insurmountable. The first was economic and beyond his control. The collapse of the land settlement boom made staging the wartime Exhibitions expensive and risky. Effects of the collapse were compounded by enduring drought conditions after 1916 and a lingering post-war depression that sent hundreds of farmers and ranchers into bankruptcy. After incurring significant financial losses in 1921 and 1922, the Exhibition teetered on the brink of survival. The second problem Richardson faced concerned the Exhibition itself. Put simply, the traditional format of a fair built primarily around agriculture and augmented by Wild West travelling shows was losing its appeal to increasingly sophisticated urban audiences. In 1921 the Albertan summed up Richardson’s problems succinctly when in reference to the failure of the recent Exhibition to attract crowds it noted, “There is real difficulty in discovering what the people want just now, and having decided on that the next difficulty is to get it.”⁸

In desperation, Richardson opted for the tried and true by contacting Weadick and offering the travelling entrepreneur a proposal. Would he accept a contract to stage a Stampede in conjunction with the 1923 Exhibition? Weadick did so willingly and gave Richardson more than he expected. In the 1923 Exhibition and Stampede, Weadick added two ingredients that in time defined its uniqueness. First, the addition of the exciting and potentially dangerous chuckwagon races was inspired by the increasing popularity of high-speed auto racing. Second, Weadick’s idea to have the whole city go western for the event put the Exhibition and Stampede in a wider urban festival context. The success and profitability of the inaugural Exhibition and Stampede led to public calls for its continuance. In September 1923 Richardson seemed to answer the Albertan’s 1921 query when he told the board of directors, “Calgary has found something the people want, something peculiarly appropriate to our environment, and we only have to use our unique opportunities to the best advantage.”⁹

In summary, the first Exhibition was in 1886, the first Stampedes in 1912 and 1919. The Calgary Exhibition and Stampede began in 1923. Weadick continued to return every year to stage the Stampede component until the organization dispensed with his services in 1932 and began operating both events as the Calgary Exhibition and Stampede Limited, a non-profit company incorporated in 1933.

Characteristics of the Calgary Stampede

The evolution of the Stampede is best explained by examining enduring features that have defined its purpose and operations. While other articles in this volume explore some of these, this discussion focuses on the Stampede’s heritage dimension, its ongoing popularity, its agricultural component, and its role in bringing matters of wider concern and interest to the general public.

The Western Heritage Dimension

It would be foolish to deny that this dimension of modern Stampedes reflects hype and myth far more than any awareness of or conscious desire to replicate Canada’s frontier heritage. The reason why has more to do with the absence of living embodiments of western Canadian history than with slick marketing or promotional campaigns. When the original characters passed from the scene, Stampede organizers looked for their replacements. Arguably, they chose unwisely. From another and more positive perspective, although here too there are critics who would affirm otherwise, the Stampede has managed to preserve many festival-type traditions commensurate with its origins and, indeed, the western Canadian experience.

Guy Weadick set the precedent for frontier authenticity in 1912 when he put together “the greatest gathering of men who participated in the laying of the foundation of the present great Western development.”¹⁰ They included Hudson’s Bay Company factors, cowboys, whisky traders, buffalo hunters, and some frontiersmen who predated them. These individuals were given high priority both in the parade and on the grounds. During the 1923 Stampede, people who had lived in the settlement that became the town of Calgary in 1884 conducted tours of the city. The 1925 Stampede featured Mounted Policemen who had taken part in the great march west in 1873–74. When the Stampede decided to re-enact the history of the West in 1930, three of the Big Four were alive to share in it. In 1945 when the Exhibition and Stampede outlined its fourfold mandate, the first was “to perpetuate our frontier tradition,”¹¹ yet by the time the Stampede decided to celebrate its fortieth anniversary seven years later with an old timers’ reunion, few remained who represented the founding days or the vigour and mystique associated with them.

Guy Weadick, ca. 1912

The buoyant decade 1955–65 marked a significant change in the Stampede, one in which the authenticity of the Canadian frontier experience disappeared and was replaced by Hollywood’s “Wild West.” In this decade the American western myth took hold, especially among the younger generations due to the enormous popularity of westerns on television. Leading cowboy stars became high-profile drawing cards, presenting the Stampede with an opportunity that was just too good to pass up. Between 1958 and 1967, the Stampede hosted such western television heroes as the Cisco Kid (Duncan Renaldo), Bat Masterson (Gene Barry), Tonto (Jay Silverheels) of The Lone Ranger, Marshall Dan Troop (John Russell), The Virginian (James Drury), and Peter Brown of Laredo. They were feted and honoured for being what they represented: a mythologized embodiment of a West that never existed in Canada or, according to American scholars, in the United States. As if to validate the new emphasis, a survey on the Stampede parade taken in 1968 relegated the old timers’ section to last place.¹²

Since the 1960s, the Stampede has focused primarily on the generic western myth. Though signage on the grounds and the presence of attractions such as Weadickville pay lip service to a localized identity, little in the Stampede speaks of the western Canadian frontier experience. Allusions to lynchings or even the simulated gunfights have no Canadian precedents. The western lingo often used in the press (especially by Mayor Don Mackay in the 1950s) is hackneyed and inauthentic.¹³ Western dress has become a creative statement rooted loosely in romantic perceptions more reminiscent of the American Southwest than the Alberta foothills. Most Canadians visiting the Stampede are more familiar with Dodge City than they are with High River, Longview, or Maple Creek, and they come away no wiser. In short, the Canadian West has largely disappeared from the Stampede.

More authentic statements have been made over time through formal and informal celebratory activities. Since 1925, when it honoured the fiftieth anniversary of the arrival of the North-West Mounted Police in Calgary, the Stampede has been mindful of the need to make historic statements. Later examples include a celebration of the British Empire in 1939, Western Canadian Old Timers in 1952, Alberta’s fiftieth birthday in 1955, the fiftieth anniversary of the world’s first military aircraft in 1959, and a March of Time Parade in 1962 to honour the Stampede’s fiftieth birthday.

On a more informal level, the willingness to dress and adorn buildings in a particular fashion, to square dance in the street, or to partake in public breakfasts of hearty fare is ritualistic, to a degree transformational, and at the heart of true festival celebrations. The spin-off activities, most of which do not achieve permanence, are variations on the festival theme. Typical would be the buffalo sandwich breakfast (1923), the open-air cowboys’ ball (1938), parking lot dances (1942), and, more recently, bar stool races on Second Street (2002) and Meadow Muffler Madness (1994), a raffle type of contest in which cows were encouraged to defecate on numbered squares arranged along Stephen Avenue Mall. The point is that Stampede fever is about a popularized theme that involves the citizenry, and attending the Stampede is perceived by many as “the thing to do.” As columnist Peter Burgener noted in 2002, “The Stampede brings out a level of corporate and personal responses that are expressed physically, and that are participatory and responsible.”¹⁴ While critics of the Stampede might have no trouble documenting inauthenticity, they would find it much more difficult to prove contrivance rather than willing participation in its several off-grounds activities.

Ongoing Popularity

The enduring popularity of the Exhibition and Stampede is hard to explain. It offers nothing essentially different from features of other fairs and exhibitions across the country. For example, a visitor from another country might have difficulty discerning between the entertainment opportunities afforded by Klondike Days (Capital EX since 2006) in Edmonton and the Calgary Stampede, yet it has always been wildly popular. Except for a short dip in the early 1930s (and Stampede spokesmen were quick to point out that other fairs of comparative size did much worse), attendance at the Stampede has steadily risen. In the 1950s, for instance, record attendance figures were set every year. Three reasons for this continuing success can be identified. First, the Stampede enjoyed from the outset a media-created mystique. Second, it was promoted aggressively by a coalition of interests dedicated to enhancing business opportunities and tourism revenues. Finally, it was able to widen its overall appeal through non-Stampede activities.

The 1912 Stampede was the first event of its kind. Guy Weadick capitalized on its unique and heady mix of cowboys, Indians, frontiersmen, and thrilling rodeo competitions to attract two motion picture companies. The films they produced, described as the “most complete of any Wild West pictures ever exhibited in the city,” were eventually shown to audiences across Canada, the United States, and Europe.¹⁵ At least five more films were shot before 1950. The Calgary Stampede (1925), starring Hoot Gibson, became one of the most profitable movies in North America.¹⁶ The CBC broadcast Stampede events a year after it was founded in 1936 and a year later used short-wave radio to send the same broadcasts to Great Britain. In 1958 CBC carried the first television images of the Stampede to the Canadian pubic. Over eighteen million Britons watched a fifty-five-minute BBC television special on the Stampede in 1965. Currently, a distinguished award-winning Polish director is interested in exploring the cowboy myth through a Stampede documentary.

One of the main reasons the Stampede has maintained a popular and high-profile image has been an incredible level of support from the local press. Newspaper articles on the Stampede were as effusive as they were persistent. Most of the time the local editors sold the myth, lapsing into hackneyed jargon and conjuring up fanciful images of wild and woolly days in the West. Sometimes thoughtful appraisals located the essence of the Stampede’s appeal in local support and pride.¹⁷ Extensive international press coverage also enhanced the Stampede’s widespread appeal. Reporters from twelve countries and fifteen states covered the Stampede in 1954, and by 1973 the number of accredited photographers had jumped to over two hundred.¹⁸ The Stampede was also featured in many books about western Canada, including several novels. In touting the Stampede’s irresistible and universal appeal, the print media took every opportunity to quote luminaries who might not be expected to revel in the earthiness of the Stampede. “I have never seen anything like it,” exulted the French ambassador to Canada in 1954.¹⁹ Lord Louis Mountbatten was equally enthusiastic when he said in 1967, “The first time the Stampede comes to Royalty; the second time around Royalty comes to the Stampede.”²⁰ This persistent and ebullient press support is one of the reasons why critics use the term “Sacred Cow” to denote the Stampede’s inviolate status within the city.

Popularity was reflected in other ways. Almost from the beginning, the Stampede has been identified with personal statements. Slim Moorhouse chose the Stampede to display his thirty-six-horse team in 1924. Two years later a man walked from Toronto just to attend the Stampede. Another drove his tractor nine hundred miles for the same reason in 1954. As recently as 2004 a cowboy led a group of mounted riders all the way from Bandera, Texas, to the Stampede to make a statement about the faltering economies of small western towns. The Stampede is also a destination event. High school bands work diligently to make money so they can participate in the Stampede parade. California’s Contra Costa County Sheriff’s Posse dressed in uniform and arrived as a group in 1951. The Stampede has become a sought-after forum for both excellence and eccentricity, having hosted world championship events for blacksmiths and marching bands, an attempt to set a world record for the number of pancakes fed to guests in one hour, and even competitions for the most outlandish costumes.

The Stampede’s commercial value was not lost on those who stood to profit by it. Ernie Richardson told civic officials in 1914 that the Exhibition existed to enhance the city.²¹ Lindsey Galloway, senior manager of Corporate Communications and Stakeholder Relations, said the same thing in 2005. From the outset, the City of Calgary, the Chamber of Commerce, nearby businesses, livestock associations, and tourist agencies formed a powerful support group that complemented the Stampede by propagating its appeal whenever and wherever possible. One has only to note Mayor Don Mackay’s correspondence in the 1950s, when he used his persuasive powers effectively to entice hundreds of Americans, mostly civic officials, to the Stampede.

The Stampede organization was proactive in furthering its appeal. It worked with the Calgary Tourist Bureau to find accommodation in private houses for visitors to the Stampede. It kept track of visitor movement within the mountain parks and lobbied the provincial government to improve road access to Calgary, particularly by roads that carried American visitors. In later years the Stampede tried to maintain its edge by commissioning studies and preparing long-range plans.

Another key to the Stampede’s continuing success lay in its ability to attract prominent people. Usually they came in some official capacity, to open the Stampede, to act as honorary parade marshals, or simply to be guests of honour. From the first Stampede in 1912, when the viceregal guest was the duke of Connaught, Queen Victoria’s son and the governor general of Canada, a steady procession of dignitaries has graced the Stampede. They included royalty, prime ministers, governors general, and premiers. In the 1950s, for example, the Stampede was attended in different years by Queen Elizabeth and Prince Philip, Prime Minister Louis St. Laurent, and Governors General Vincent Massey and Georges Vanier. The Stampede also successfully courted international celebrities whose presence in some official capacity contributed to crowd appeal. These included Prince Charles, the brother of the emperor of Japan, Lord Louis Mountbatten, Robert Kennedy, Douglas Bader, Walt Disney, Bob Hope, Bing Crosby, Rocky Marciano, Jack Palance, and Sam Elliott. As has been said on many occasions, “There’s always someone to see at the Stampede.”

Though the Stampede hosts many events on a year-round basis, the most popular are those related to sports. Nevertheless, the important role played by the Stampede in furthering sport in the City of Calgary has gone largely unrecognized.²² For years the Stampede operated a hockey franchise; it was perhaps the pivotal agency promoting and staging the sport in Calgary. Between 1950 and 1981 the Corral and the Big Four Building were the largest facilities of their kind in the city. The Brier, the Canadian Men’s Curling Championship, was held in the Big Four Building in 1961. Four years later the Corral hosted the Dominion Figure Skating Championship.

The Stampede’s success in bringing increasing numbers of people to its grounds poses a significant dilemma for contemporary senior management. Larger audiences want more varied fare, but catering to all age and interest groups and trying to provide something for everyone may dilute features the rest of the world associates with the Stampede. As it seeks to become a major year-round venue, its western roots may well become just one element in a package of entertainment options. And largely mythical though they may be, these western connotations have been used to advertise and promote Calgary and the Stampede for almost a century. The Stampede will have to weigh popularity and the dollars that accompany it with the image it has historically conveyed. The two may prove to be more incompatible than present optimism suggests.

Agriculture

From its beginnings in 1886, agriculture and especially livestock have been of central importance to the Calgary Exhibition. Ernie Richardson was determined to maintain agriculture’s priority after the Exhibition merged with the more entertainment-oriented Stampede in 1923. In 1942 the board of directors took special pride in the fact that the organization was making exceptional progress in “building up a plant for livestock and exhibition purposes second to none in Canada.”²³ When the Exhibition and Stampede Limited published its four goals in 1945, the second was to foster the livestock industry. In 1977 a $30,000 commissioned study by Stanford Research Institute, a California-based entertainment consulting company, recommended that the future of the Exhibition and Stampede be vitally linked to its agricultural component. As late as 2002 the press noted that agriculture continues to be the backbone of the Exhibition and Stampede, yet changes have taken place. Though agriculture remains a component of Exhibition and Stampede activity, it has receded from its previous prominence.

An emphasis on agriculture is still a visible part of the Stampede. The barns, the show pavilions, and the concentration of educational agricultural activities still afford plenty of opportunities for visitors to acquaint themselves with purebred stock, to view agriculture-related performances, and to learn more about agribusiness. Today, the Calgary Stampede Agriculture Department presents over forty-five international stock show events during the Stampede. The Stampede is also important for sales. For example, in 1996 local company Alta Genetics sold $1.35 million worth of bull semen and embryo stock to buyers from fourteen countries.²⁴ In the same year, the chair of the Stampede Promotions Committee dealt with international buyers from twenty-nine countries who were interested in purchasing quality stock in order to rebuild their herds.²⁵

The Stampede also enhanced Calgary’s importance as a livestock centre. In 1927 it persuaded the Canadian Livestock Association to hold its annual convention in Calgary. After 1955 the breed associations were encouraged to hold their annual conventions around Stampede time through a policy that honoured a single breed annually. This succession of conventions was doubtless a factor in securing the World Charolais Federation meeting in 1967, which, according to the Calgary Herald, was attended by over one hundred international millionaires worth five billion dollars.²⁶ Two more world livestock congresses were held in conjunction with the Stampede in 1975 and 1978.

Most of the agricultural activity that occurs on a regular basis on the grounds throughout the year is organized and operated by the Stampede. Perhaps the most notable is the Calgary Bull Sale, which dates to 1901. Often described as the premier sale of its kind in North America, the Calgary Bull Sale grossed over two million dollars in 1994. The Stampede has also operated horse shows, sheep and swine sales, and seed fairs, and in the 1950s it promoted the sale of purebred stock to the United States.

The Stampede’s association with agricultural education began when it hosted groups of farm boys in the 1930s. In the 1940s the Stampede’s agricultural revue was designed to make children more aware of the attributes of prime livestock. Later emphasis was placed on promoting 4-H activity and, more recently, Aggie Days. Spokespersons for the Stampede now say their primary mandate is to find ways by which agriculture’s message can be carried to an urban society. They are currently trying to develop innovative programs that will link consumers to the food they eat.

Contents

Acknowledgements

Introduction

C H A P T E R 1

The Stampede in Historical Context

Composition and Structure

Origins

Characteristics of the Calgary Stampede

The Western Heritage Dimension

Ongoing Popularity

Agriculture