John Gauden, King of England Charles I

Eikon Basilike

The Pourtracture of His Sacred Majestie, in His Solitudes and Sufferings
Published by Good Press, 2022
goodpress@okpublishing.info
EAN 4057664610430

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Εἰκὼν Βασιλική
POURTRACTURE
HIS SACRED
MAJESTIE,
HIS SOLITUDES
SUFFERINGS.
The Explanation of the Embleme.
Τ ὸ Χ ῖ ο ὐ δ ὲ ν ἠ δ ί κησε τ ὴ ν π ό λιν, ο ὐ δ ὲ τ ὸ Κ ά ππα.
THE CONTENTS.
1. Upon His Majesties calling this last Parliament.
2. Upon the Earl of Straffords death .
3. Vpon His Majesties going to the House of Commons.
4. Upon the Insolency of the Tumults.
5. Upon His Majesties passing the Bill for the Trienniall Parliaments: And after, setling this, during the pleasure of the two Houses .
6. Upon His Majesties retirement from Westminster.
7. Upon the Queenes departure and absence out of England.
8. Upon His Majesties repulse at Hull, and the fates of the Hothams.
9. Upon the lifting, and raising Armies against the King .
10. Upon their seizing the Kings Magazines, Forts, Navy, and Militia.
11. Upon the 19 Propositions first sent to the King; and more afterwards.
12. Upon the Rebellion, and troubles in Ireland.
13. Upon the calling in of the Scots , and their Comming.
14. Upon the Covenant.
15. Vpon the many Jealousies raised, and Scandals cast upon the King , to stirre up the People against him.
16. Upon the Ordinance against the Common-Prayer Book.
17. Of the differences between the KING and the two Houses, in Point of Church-Government.
18. Upon Uxbridge Treaty, and other Offers made by the King .
19. Upon the various events of the warre, victories, and defeats.
20. Upon the Reformation of the Times.
21. Upon his Majesties Letters taken and divulged.
22. Upon His Majesties Leaving Oxford, and going to the Scots.
23. Upon the Scots delivering the KING to the English, and His Captivity at Holmeby.
24. Upon their denying His Majestie the Attendance of His Chaplains.
25. Penitential Meditations and Vows in the Kings solitude at Holmby .
26. Upon the Armies surprisall of the King at Holmby, and the ensuing distractions in the two Houses, the Army, and the City.
27. To the Prince of Wales.
28. Meditations upon Death, after the Votes of Non-Addresses, and His Majesties closer Imprisonment in Carisbrook-Castle.
Vota dabunt, quæ Bella negârunt.
FINIS.
A PRAYER in time of Captivitie.
Another PRAYER.
A Prayer and Confession made in and for the times of Affliction.
A PRAYER in time of imminent Danger.
A Copie of a Letter which was sent from the Prince to the KING; Dated from the Hague Jan . 23. 1648.
For the King.
Munday 29th January, 1648.
A true Relation of the KINGS Speech to the Lady Elisabeth , and the Duke of Glocester , the day before His Death.
Another Relation from the Lady Elisabeths own Hand.
Another Relation from the Lady Elisabeth.
An Epitaph upon King Charls.

Εἰκὼν Βασιλική

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THE

POURTRACTURE

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OF

HIS SACRED

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MAJESTIE,

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IN

HIS SOLITUDES

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AND

SUFFERINGS.

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With a perfect Copy of Prayers used by his Majesty in the time of his sufferings.

Delivered to Dr. Juxon Bishop of London, immediately before his Death.


Rom. 8.

More then Conquerour, &c.

Bona agere, & mala pati, Regium est.


Printed at London, 1649.


The Explanation of the Embleme.

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P

Onderibus genuus omne mali, probriq; gravatus,

Vixq; ferenda ferens, Palma ut depressa, resurgo.

Ac, velut undarum Fuctûs Ventìque, furorem

Irati Populi Rupes immotta repello.

Clarioré tenebris, cœlestis stella, corusco.

Victor æternum fœlici pace triumpho.

Auro fulgentem rutilo gemmisque micantem,

At curis Gravidam spernendo calco Coronam.

Spinosam, at ferri facilem, quo spes mea, Christi

Auxilio, Nobis non est tractare molestum.

Æternam, fixis fidei, semperque beatam

In Cœlos occulis specto, Mobìsque-paratam.

Quod vanum est, sperno; quod Christi Gratia præbet

Amplecti studium est: Virtutis Gloria merces.

T

Hough clogg'd with weights of miseries,

Palm-like depress'd, I higher rise.

And as th' unmoved Rock out-braves

The boyst'rous winds, and raging waves;

So triumph I. And shine more bright

In sad Affliction's darksom night.

That splendid, but yet toilsome Crown,

Regardlesly I trample down.

With joy I take this Crown of Thorn,

Though sharp, yet easie to be born.

That heav'nly Crown, already mine,

I view with eyes of faith divine.

I slight vain things; and do embrace

Glory, the just reward of Grace.

Τ Χ οδν δκησε τν πλιν, οδ τ Κππα.

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Frontispiece

Frieze

THE CONTENTS.

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1

V Pon His Majesties calling this last Parliament.

2 Upon the Earl of Strafford's death.
3 Upon His Majesties going to the House of Commons.
4 Upon the Insolency of the Tumults.
5 Upon His Majesties passing the Bill for the Trienniall Parliaments: and after setling this, during the pleasure of the two Houses.
6 Upon His Majesties retirement from Westminster.
7 Upon the Queens departure, and absence out of England.
8 Upon His Majesties repulse at Hull, and the fates of the Hothams.
9 Upon the listing and raising Armies against the King.
10 Upon their seizing the Kings Magazines, Forts, Navie, and Militia.
11 Upon the 19 Propositions first sent to the King; and more afterwards.
12 Upon the Rebellion, and troubles in Ireland.
13 Upon the Calling in of the Scots, and their Coming.
14 Upon the Covenant.
15 Upon the many Jealousies raised, and Scandals cast upon the King, to stirre up the people against Him.
16 Upon the Ordinance against the Common prayer-Book.
17 Of the differences between the King, and the two Houses, in point of Church-government.
18 Upon Uxbridge-Treaty, and others Offers made by the King.
19 Upon the various events of the War; Victories, and Defeats.
20 Upon the Reformations of the Times.
21 Upon His Majesties Letters taken and divulged.
22 Upon His Majesties leaving Oxford, and going to the Scots.
23 Upon the Scots delivering the King to the English; and His Captivity at Holmbie.
24 Upon their denying His Majestie the Attendance of His Chaplains.
25 Penitentiall Meditations and Vowes in the King's solitude at Holmbie.
26 Upon the Armies surprisall of the King at Holmbie, and the ensuing distractions in the two Houses, the Army, and the Citie.
27 To the Prince of Wales.
28 Meditations upon Death, after the Votes of Non-Addresses, and His Majesties closer Imprisonment in Carisbrook-Castle.
29 Divers prayers used by his Majesty in time of His sufferings.
30 His Speeches to the Lady Elisabeth and Duke of Glocester: And His Reasons against the jurisdiction of the high Court of Justice.
EIKÔN BASILIKÊ


1. Upon His Majesties calling this last Parliament.

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T His last Parliament I called, not more by others advice, and necessity of My affairs, then by my own choice and inclination; who have always thought the right way of Parliaments most safe for My Crown, and best pleasing to my People: And although I was not forgetfull of those sparks, which some mens distempers formerly studied to kindle in Parliaments, (which by forbearing to convene for some years, I hoped to have extinguished) yet resolving with My self to give all just satisfaction to modest and sober desires, and to redress all publick grievances in Church and State; I hoped (by My freedom and their moderation) to prevent all mis-understandings and miscarriages in this: In which as I feared, affairs would meet with some passion and prejudice in other men, so I resolved they should finde least of them in my self; not doubting, but by the weight of Reason I should counterpoiz the over-ballancing of any Factions.

I was, indeed, sorry to hear with what partiality and popular heat, Elections were carried in many places; yet hoping that the gravity and discretion of other Gentlemen would allay and fix the Commons to a due temperament (guiding some mens well-meaning zeal by such rules of moderation as are best both to preserve and restore the health of all States and Kingdoms:) No man was better pleased with the convening of this Parliament then My self; who knowing best the largenesse of my own Heart toward my Peoples good and just contentment, pleased my self most in that good and firm understanding, which would hence grow between me and my people.

All jealousies being laid aside, my own and my Childrens Interests gave me many obligations to seek and preserve the love and welfare of my Subjects; The only temporal blessing that is left to the ambition of just Monarchs, as their greatest honour and safety, next Gods protection. I cared not to lessen my self in some things of my wonted Prerogative; since I knew I could be no loser, if I might gain but a recompence in my Subjects affections.

I intended not only to oblige my friends, but mine enemies also: exceeding even the desires of those that were factiously discontented, if they did but pretend to any modest and sober sense.

The odium and offences which some mens rigor or remissnesse in Church and State had contracted upon my Government, I resolved to have expiated by such Laws and regulations for the future, as might not only rectifie what was amiss in practice, but supply what was defective in the constitution: No man having a greater zeal to see Religion setled, and preserved in Truth, Unitie, and Order then my self; whom it most concerns both in pietie and policie; as knowing, that, No flames of civil dissentions are more dangerous then those which make Religious pretensions the grounds of Factions.

I resolved to reform, what I should by free and full advice in Parliament be convinced to be amiss; and to grant whatever my Reason and Conscience told me was fit to be desired; I wish I had kept my self within those bounds, and not suffered my own Judgement to have been over-born in some things, more by others Importunities, then their Arguments; my confidence had less betrayed my self, and my Kingdoms, to those advantages, which some men sought for, who wanted nothing but power and occasion to do mischief.

But our sins being ripe, there was no preventing of Gods Justice, from reaping that glory in our Calamities, which we robbed him of in our prosperitie.

For thou (O Lord) hast made us see, That Resolutions of future Reforming, doe not alwayes satisfie thy justice, nor prevent thy Vengeance for former miscarriages.

Our sins have over-laid our hopes: Thou hast taught us to depend on thy mercies to forgive, not on our purpose to amend.

When thou hast vindicated thy glory by thy judgments, and hast shewed us how unsafe it is to offend thee, upon presumptions afterwards to please thee, Then I trust thy mercy will restore those blessings to us, which we have so much abused, as to force thee to deprive us of them.

For want of timely repentance of our sins, Thou givest us cause to Repent of those Remedies we too late apply.

Yet I doe not repent of my calling the last Parliament, because O Lord, I did it with an upright intention to thy glory, and My Peoples good.

The miseries which have ensued upon me and my Kingdoms, are the just effects of thy displeasure upon us; and may be yet, through thy mercy, preparatives of us to future blessings and better hearts to enjoy them.

O Lord, though thou hast deprived us of many former comforts; yet grant me and my People the benefit of our afflictions, and thy chastisements; that thy Rod as well as thy Staff may comfort us: Then shall we dare to account them the strokes not of an enemy, but a Father: when thou givest us those humble affections, that measure of patience in repentance which becomes thy Children; I shall have no cause to repent the miseries this Parliament hath occasioned, when by them thou hast brought me and my people unfeignedly to repent of the sins we have committed.

Thy grace is infinitely better with our sufferings, then our Peace could be with our sins.

O thou soveraign goodness and wisdom, who over-rulest all our Counsels; over-rule also all our hearts; That the worse things we suffer by thy Justice, the better we may be by thy mercie.

As our sins have turned our Antidotes into Poison, so let thy Grace turn our Poison into Antidotes.

As the sins of our Peace disposed us to this unhappy Warre, so let this War prepare us for thy blessed Peace.

That although I have but troublesom Kingdoms here, yet I may attain to that Kingdom of Peace in my Heart, and in thy Heaven, which Christ hath purchased, & thou wilt give to thy servant (though a sinner) for my Saviours sake. Amen.


2. Upon the Earl of Straffords death.

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I Looked upon my Lord of Strafford, as a Gentleman, whose great abilities might make a Prince rather afraid, then ashamed to employ him in the greatest affairs of State.

For those were prone to create in him great confidence of undertakings, and this was like enough to betray him to great errors, and many enemies; whereof he could not but contract good store, while moving in so high a sphear, and with so vigorous a lustre, he must needs (as the Sun) raise many envious exhalations, which condensed by a popular odium, were capable to cast a cloud before the brightest merit and integrity.

Though I cannot in my judgement approve all he did, driven (it may be) by the necessities of times, and the Temper of that people, more then led by his own disposition to any height and rigour of actions: yet I could never be convinced of any such criminousness in him as willingly to expose his life to the stroke of Justice, and malice of his enemies. I never met with a more unhappy conjuncture of affairs, then in the businesse of that unfortunate Earl: when between my own unsatisfiedness in Conscience, and a necessity (as some told me) of satisfying the importunities of some people, I was perswaded by those that I think wished Me well, to chuse rather what was safe, then what seemed just; preferring the outward peace of My Kingdoms with men, before that inward exactness of Conscience before God.

And indeed I am so far from excusing or denying that compliance on My part (for plenary consent it was not) to his destruction, whom in My judgment I thought not, by any clear law, guilty of death: That I never bare any touch of Conscience with greater regret: which as a sign of my repentance, I have often with sorrow confessed both to God and men, as an act of so sinfull frailty, that it discovered more a fear of man, then of God, whose name and place on earth no man is worthy to bear, who will avoid inconveniencies of State, by acts of so high injustice, as no publick convenience can expiate or compensate.

I see it a bad exchange to wound a mans own Conscience, thereby to salve State-sores; to calm the storms of popular discontents, by stirring up a tempest in a mans own bosome.

Nor hath Gods Justice failed in the event and sad consequences, to shew the world the fallacy of that Maxime, Better one man perish, (though unjustly) then the people be displeased or destroyed.

For, In all likelihood I could never have suffered, with My people, greater calamities, (yet with greater comfort) had I vindicated Straffords innocency, at least by denying to Sign that destructive Bill, according to that Justice, which My conscience suggested to Me, then I have done since I gratified some mens unthankful importunities with so cruel a favour. And I have observed, that those, who counselled Me to sign that Bill, have been so far from receiving the rewards of such ingratiatings with the People, that no men have been harassed & crushed more then they: He onely hath been least vexed by them, who counselled Me, not to consent against the vote of My own Conscience: I hope God hath forgiven Me and them, the sinful rashness of that business.

To which being in My soul so fully conscious, those Judgements God hath pleased to send upon Me, are so much the more welcom, as a means (I hope) which his mercy hath sanctified so to Me, as to make Me repent of that unjust Act, (for so it was to Me) and for the future to teach Me, That the best rule of policie is, to prefer the doing of Justice, before all enjoyments, and the peace of my Conscience before the preservation of My Kingdoms.

Nor hath any thing more fortified My resolutions against all those violent importunities, which since have sought to gain a like consent from Me, to Acts, wherein my Conscience is unsatisfied, then the sharp touches I have had for what passed Me, in My Lord of Straffords business.

Not that I resolved to have imployed him in My affairs, against the advise of my Parliament, but I would not have had any hand in his Death, of whose Guiltlesness I was better assured, then any man living could be.

Nor were the crimes objected against him so clear, as after a long and fair hearing to give convincing satisfaction to the Major part of both Houses; especially that of the Lords, of whom scarce a third part were present, when the bill passed that House: And for the House of Commons, many Gentlemen, disposed enough to diminish My Lord of Straffords greatness and power, yet unsatisfied of his guilt in Law, durst not condemn him to die: who for their integrity in their Votes, were by Posting their Names, exposed to the popular calumny, hatred and fury; which grew then so exorbitant in their clamours for Justice, (that is, to have both my self and the two Houses' Vote, and doe as they would have us) that many ('tis thought) were rather terrified to concur with the condemning party, then satisfied that of right they ought so to doe.

And that after-Act vacating the Authority of the precedent, for future imitation sufficiently tels the world, that some remorse touched even his most implacable enimies, as knowing he had very hard measure, and such as they would be very loath should be repeated to themselves.

This tendernesse and regret I find in my soul, for having any hand (and that very unwillingly God knows) in shedding one mans bloud unjustly, (though under the colour and formalities of Justice, and pretences of avoiding publick mischiefs) which may (I hope) be some evidence before God and man, to all posterity, that I am far from bearing justly the vast load and guilt of all that blood which hath been shed in this unhappy War; which some men will needs charge on me, to ease their own souls, who am, and ever shall be, more affraid to take away any mans life unjustly then to lose my own.

But then, O God, of thy infinit mercies forgive me that act of sinfull compliance, which hath greater aggravations upon me then any man, Since I had not the least temptation of envy, or malice against him, and by my place should, at least so farre, have been a preserver of him, as to have denied my consent to his destruction.

O Lord, I acknowledge my transgression, and my sin is ever before me.

Deliver me from blood-guiltiness O God, thou God of my salvation, and my tongue shall sing of thy righteousness.

Against thee have I sinned, and done this evil in thy sight, for thou sawest the contradiction between my heart and my hand.

Yet cast me not away from thy presence, purge me with the blood of my Redeemer, and I shall be clear; wash me with that pretious effusion, and I shall be whiter then snow.

Teach me to learn Righteousnesse by thy Iudgements, and to see my frailtie in thy Iustice: while I was perswaded by shedding one mans bloud to prevent after-troubles, thou hast for that, among other sins, brought upon mee, and upon my Kingdoms, great, long, and heavy troubles.

Make me to prefer Iustice, which is thy Will, before all contrary clamours, which are but the discoveries of mans injurious will.

It is too much that they have once overcome me, to please them by displeasing thee: O never suffer me for any reason of State, to go against my Reason of Conscience, Which is highly to sin against thee, the God of Reason, and Iudge of our Consciences.

Whatever, O Lord, thou seest fit to deprive me of, yet restore unto me the joy of thy Salvation, and ever uphold me with thy free Spirit; which subjects my will to non: but the light of Reason, Justice, and Religion, which shines in my Soul; for thou desirest Truth in the inward parts, and Integritie in the outward expressions.

Lord, hear the voice of thy Sons, and my Saviours bloud, which speaks better things; O make me, and my People, to hear the voice of Joy and Gladness, that the bones which thou hast broken, may rejoice in thy salvation.


3. Vpon His Majesties going to the House of Commons.

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M Y going to the House of Commons to demand Justice upon the five Members, was an act which my Enemies loaded with all the obloquies and exasperations they could.

It filled indifferent men with great jealousies and fears; yea, and many of my Friends resented it, as a motion rising rather from Passion then Reason, and not guided with such discretion as the touchiness of those times required.

But these men knew not the just motives, and pregnant grounds, with which I thought myself so furnished, that there needed nothing to such evidence, as I could have produced against those I charged, save onely a free and legall Trial, which was all I desired.

Nor had I any temptation of displeasure or revenge against those mens persons, further then I had discovered those (as I thought) unlawfull correspondencies they had used, and engagements they had made to embroyl my Kingdoms: of all which I missed but little to have produced Writings under some mens own hands, who were the chief contrivers of the following Innovations.

Providence would not have it so; yet I wanted not such probabilities as were sufficient to raise jealousies in any Kings heart, who is not wholly stupid and neglective of the publick Peace; which to preserve, my calling in question half a dozen men, in a fair and legall way (which God knows, was all my design) could have amounted to no worse effect, had it succeeded, then either to do Me and my Kingdom right, in case they had been found guilty; or else to have cleared their innocency, and removed my suspicion: which, as they were not raised out of any malice, so neither were they in reason to be smothered.

What flames of discontent this spark (though I sought by all speedy and possible means to quench it) soon kindled, all the world is witnesse: The aspersion which some men cast upon that action, as if I had designed by force to assault the House of Commons, and invade their Priviledge, is so false, that, as God best knows, I had no such intent; so none that attended Me could justly gather from any thing I then said or did, the least intimation of any such thoughts.

That I went attended with some Gentlemen, as it was no unwonted thing for the Majesty and safety of a King so to be attended, especially in discontented times; so were my Followers at that time short of my ordinary Guard, and no way proportionable to hazard a tumultuary conflict. Nor were they more scared at my coming, then I was unassured of not having some affronts cast upon me, if I had none to be with Me to preserve a reverence to Me: for many people had (at that time) learned to think those hard thoughts, which they have since abundantly vented against Me, both by words and deeds.

The sum of that businesse was this,

Those men and their adherents were then look'd upon by the affrighted vulgar, as greater Protectors of their Laws and Liberties then my Self, and so worthier of their protection. I leave them to God and their own Consciences, who, if guilty of evill machinations, no present impunity, or popular vindications of them will be subterfuge sufficient to rescue them from those exact Tribunals.

To which, in the obstructions of Justice among men, we must religiously appeal, as being an argument to us Christians of that after unavoidable Judgement, which shall re-judge what among men is but corruptly decided, or not at all.

I endeavoured to have prevented, if God had seen fit, those future commotions which I foresaw, would in all likelyhood follow some mens activity (if not restrained) and so now hath done to the undoing of many thousands; the more is the pity.

But to over-awe the freedom of the Houses, or to weaken their just Authority by any violent impressions upon them, was not at all my design: I thought I had so much Justice and Reason on my side, as should not have needed so rough assistance: and I was resolved rather to bear the repulse with patience, then to use such hazardous extremities.

But thou, O Lord art my witnesse in heaven, and in my Heart: If I have purposed any violence or oppression against the Innocent: or if there were any such wickednes in my thoughts.

Then let the enemy persecute my soul, and tread my life to the ground, and lay mine Honour in the dust.

Thou that seest not as man seeth, but lookest beyond all popular appearances, searching the heart, and trying the reins, and bringing to light the hidden things of darknesse, shew thy self.

Let not my afflictions be esteemed (as with wise and godly men they cannot be) any argument as my sin, in that matter: more then their Impunity among good men is any sure token of their Innocency.

But forgive them wherin they have done amiss, though they are not punished for it in this world.

Save thy servant from the privy conspiracies, and open violence of bloody and unreasonable men, according to the uprightness of my heart, and the innocency of my hands in this matter.

Plead my cause and maintain my right, O thou that sittest in the Throne, judging rightly, that thy servant may ever rejoyce in thy salvation.


4. Upon the Insolency of the Tumults.

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I Never thought any thing (except our sins) more ominously presaging all these mischiefs, which have followed, then those Tumults in London and Westminster, soon after the convening of this Parliament; which were not like a storm at Sea, (which yet wants not its terrour) but like an Earth-quake, shaking the very foundations of all; then which nothing in the world hath more of horror.

As it is one of the most convincing Arguments that there is a God, while his power sets bounds to the raging of the Sea: so 'tis no less, that he restrains the madness of the People. Nor doth any thing portend more Gods displeasure against a Nation, then when he suffers the confluence and clamours of the Vulgar to passe all boundaries of Laws and reverence to Authority.

Which those Tumults did to so high degrees of Insolence, that they spared not to invade the Honour and Freedom of the two Houses, menacing, reproaching, shaking, yea, and assaulting some Members of both Houses, as they fancied, or disliked them: Nor did they forbear most rude and unseemly deportments, both in contemptuous words and actions, to my Self and my Court.

Nor was this a short fit or two of shaking, as an ague, but a quotidian fever, always encreasing to higher inflammations, impatient of any mitigation, restraint, or remission.

First, They must be a guard against those fears which some men scared themselves and others withall; when indeed nothing was more to be feared, and lesse to be used by wise men, then those tumultuary confluxes of mean and rude people, who are taught first to petition, then to protect, then to dictate, at last to command and over-aw the Parliament.

All obstructions in Parliament (that is, all freedom of differing in Votes, and debating matters with reason and candor) must be taken away with these Tumults; By these must the Houses be purged, and all rotten Members (as they pleased to count them) cast out: By these the obstinacie of men resolved to discharge their Consciences, must be subdued; by these all factious, seditious, and schismaticall Proposals against Government Ecclesiastical or Civil, must be backed and abetted, till they prevailed.

Generally, who-ever had most mind to bring forth confusion and ruine upon Church and State, used the midwifery of those Tumults: whose riot and impatience was such, that they would not stay the ripening and season of Counsels, or fair production of Acts, in the order, gravity, and deliberatenesse befitting a Parliament; but ripped up with barbarous cruelty, and forcibly cut out abortive Votes, such as their Inviters and Encouragers most fancied.

Yea, so enormous and detestable were their outrages, that no sober man could be without an infinite shame and sorrow to see them so tolerated and connived at by some; countenanced, encouraged, and applauded by others.

What good man had not rather want any thing he most desired, for the publick good, then obtain it by such unlawfull and irreligious means? But mens passions and Gods directions seldom agree; violent designes and motions must have sutable engines: such as too much attend their own ends, seldom confine themselves to Gods means. Force must crowd in what Reason will not lead.

Who were the chief Demagogues and Patrons of Tumults, to send for them, to flatter and embolden them, to direct and tune their clamorous importunities, some men yet living are too conscious to pretend ignorance: God in his due time will let these see, That those were no fit means to be used for attaining his ends.

But as it is no strange thing for the Sea to rage, when strong winds blow upon it; so neither for Multitudes to become insolent, when they have Men of some reputation for parts and piety to set them on.

That which made their rudenesse most formidable, was, that many Complaints being made, and Messages sent by my Self, and, some of both Houses; yet no Order for redress could be obtained with any vigour and efficacie, proportionable to the malignity of that now far-spread disease, and predominant mischief.

Such was some mens stupidity, that they feared no inconvenience; Others petulancie, that they joyed to see their betters shamefully outraged and abused, while they knew their onely security consisted in vulgar flattery: so insensible were they of Mine, or the two Houses common Safety and Honours.

Nor could ever any Order be obtained, impartially to examine, censure, and punish the known Boutefeus, and impudent Incendiaries, who boasted of the influence they had and used, to convoke those Tumults as their advantages served.

Yea, some (who should have been wiser States-men) owned them as friends, commending their Courage, Zeal, and Industry; which to sober men could seem no better then that of the Divel, who goes about seeking whom he may deceive and devour.

I confesse, when I found such a deafness, that no Declaration from the Bishops, who were first fouly insolenced and assaulted; nor yet from other Lords and Gentlemen of Honor; nor yet from my self could take place for the due repression of these Tumults; and securing not only Our freedom in Parliament, but Our very persons in the Streets; I thought My self not bound by my presence to provoke them to higher boldness and contempts; I hoped by my with-drawing to give time, both for the ebbing of their tumultuous furie, and others regaining some degrees of modesty and sober sense.

Some may interpret it as an effect of Pusillanimitie in any man for popular terrors to desert his publick station. But I think it a hardiness, beyond true valor, for a wise man to set himself against the breaking in of a Sea; which to resist, at present, threatens imminent danger; but to withdraw, gives it space to spend its fury, and gains a fitter time to repair the breach. Certainly a gallant man had rather fight to great disadvantages for number and place in the field, in an orderly way, then skuffle with an undisciplined rabble.

Some suspected and affirmed that I meditated a war (when I went from Whitehal only to redeem my Person & Conscience from violence) God knows I did not think of a war. Nor will any prudent man conceive that I would by so many former and some after-acts, have so much weakned My self, if I had purposed to engage in a war, which to decline by all means, I denyed my self in so many particulars: 'Tis evident I had then no Army to fly unto, for protection or vindication.

Who can blame me, or any other for a withdrawing our selves from the daily baitings of the Tumults, not knowing whether their fury and discontent might not fly so high, as to worry and tear those in pieces, whom as yet they but played with in their paws? God, who is my sole Judg, is my Witness in Heaven, that I never had any thoughts of going from My house at Whitehall, if I could have had but any reasonable fair Quarter; I was resolved to bear much, and did so, but I did not think my self bound to prostitute the Majesty of my place and Person, the safety of my Wife and children, to those who are prone to insult most, when they have objects and opportunity, most capable of their rudeness and petulancy.

But this business of the Tumults (whereof some have given already an account to God, others yet living, know themselves desperatly guilty) time and the guilt of many hath so smothered up and buried, that I think it best to leave it as it is: Only I beleeve the just Avenger of all disorders, will in time make those men, and that City, see their sin in the glass of their Punishment. 'Tis more then an even lay, they may one day see themselves punished by that way they offended.

Had this Parliament, as it was in its first Election and Constitution, sate full and free, the Members of both Houses being left to their freedom of Voting, as in all reason, honor, and Religion, they should have been; I doubt not but things would have been so carried, as would have given no less content to all good men, then they wished or expected.

For, I was resolved to hear reason in all things, and to consent to it so far as I could comprehend it: but as Swine are to Gardens and orderly Plantations, so are Tumults to Parliaments, and Plebeian concourses to publick Councels, turning all into disorders and sordid confusions.

I am prone sometimes to think, That had I called this Parliament to any other place in England, (as I might opportunely enough have done) the sad consequences, in all likelihood, with Gods blessing, might have been prevented. A Parliament would have been welcom in any place; no place afforded such confluence of various and vitious humors, as that where it was unhappily convened. But we must leave all to God, who orders our disorders, and magnifies his wisdom most, when our follies and miseries are most discovered.

But thou O Lord art My refuge and defence: to thee I may safely flie, who rulest the raging of the Sea, and the madnesse of the People.

The flouds, O Lord, the flouds are come in upon Me, and are ready to overwhelm Me.