JOHANN ALBERT WIECHERS
BRIEF SUMMARY
OF THE COMPLETE FRAME
OF THE GERMAN QUESTION
(1945-1990)
FROM A HISTORICAL
AND LEGAL STANDPOINT
Primera edición: febrero de 2020
© Grupo Editorial Insólitas
© Johann Albert Wiechers
ISBN: 978-84-121391-2-9
ISBN Digital: 978-84-121391-3-6
Difundia Ediciones
Ramiro II, 6
28003 Madrid
info@difundiaediciones.com
www.difundiaediciones.com
In Erinnerung meines groβen Freundes
KURT SCHROCK
Mohrungen, Ostpreuβen, Deutschland, 1920.
Wiesbaden, Hessen, Deutschland, 2008.
To the Memory of my great friend
KURT SCHROCK
Mohrungen, East Prussia, Germany, 1920.
Wiesbaden, Hesse, Germany, 2008.
INTRODUCTION
FIRST PART HISTORICAL FRAME
CHAPTER I HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF GERMANY‘S DIVISION
CHAPTER II THE ALLIED OCCUPATION OF GERMANY (1945-1949)
SECOND PART THE GERMAN REICH AND ITS COMPOUND PARTS
CHAPTER III THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF GERMANY
CHAPTER IV THE GERMAN DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC
CHAPTER V GREATER BERLIN
CHAPTER VI WEST BERLIN
CHAPTER VII EAST BERLIN
CHAPTER VIII THE GERMAN EASTERN TERRITORIES
CHAPTER IX THE REPUBLIC OF AUSTRIA
CHAPTER X OTHER TERRITORIES OF THE REICH UNDER SPECIAL STATUS
THIRD PART HISTORICAL EVOLUTION DURING THE DIVISION.
CHAPTER XI THE «PRETENSION OF SINGLE REPRESENTATION» (1949-1969)
CHAPTER XII THE «OSTPOLITIK» (1969-1974)
CHAPTER XIII THE «REGULATED COEXISTENCE» (1974-1989)
CHAPTER XIV THE GLOBAL FRAME OF THE INTRA-GERMAN RELATIONS DURING THE DIVISION PERIOD (1949-1990)
FOURTH PART THE OVERCOMING OF THE DIVISION.
CHAPTER XV THE PEACEFUL REVOLUTION IN THE GERMAN DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC
CHAPTER XVI THE REUNIFICATION
CHAPTER XVII HISTORICAL EPILOGUE
FIFTH PART THE «GERMAN QUESTION» AND INTERNATIONAL LAW.
CHAPTER XVIII LEGAL STATUS OF THE GERMAN REICH (1945-1990)
CHAPTER XIX THE QUADRIPARTITE STATUS OF BERLIN (1945-1990)
CHAPTER XX THE ADMINISTRATION STATUS OF GERMANY‘S EASTERN TERRITORIES (1945-1990)
CHAPTER XXI THE PEACE TREATY AND GERMANY
CARTHOGRAPHIC SECTION
INTRODUCTION
This work is the result of an investigation initiated in 1987, when Germany was still divided and nobody, not even the author of these lines, could predict how events were going to develop. Several steps took place before this work became available to the public. Initially it was a law thesis in Spanish, finished before the reunification, which tried to provide evidence that «Germany as a whole» had never ceased to exist and that the reunification of Germany was historically and legally a possibility. Later on, when Germany was reunified the legal arguments defended in the thesis were confirmed by facts. It was a stroke of luck, I must admit. But the work became outdated, so then a second step began, preparing an updated historical and legal text, observing the facts with kind sight and no longer looking towards the future. A second text was drafted. However it was also in Spanish, very long and still looked more legal than historical. On the other hand, my professional activities as an Attorney at Law specialized in Industrial Property left me almost no free time to begin the final and definitive step, a process which took me some years to accomplish: the simplification and reorganizing of the text -turning it mainly into a historical work (although with a legal inclination)- and this time in English. A fourth step, which delayed also many years, was the review of this English text and its preparation for publication, and finding a suitable editorial.
Fortunately, the original Spanish version of this work was obtained through direct sources, mostly in German, many in English and only a few in Spanish, and I have sought to reuse the same German and English original texts and documents as much as possible. This final text does not include many direct quotations or transcriptions in order not to bore the reader. However it includes summaries and explanations of the relevant texts. Consequently, I have felt free to use my own words in all those cases when it was necessary, in order to permit a clear and easy reading.
It is my intention to include in any eventual new English edition of this work complete foot notes with the original German or English versions of the relevant documents and/or legal dispositions, as well as a detailed bibliography. This time it has not been possible, due to space, time and budget considerations.
Regarding geographical names, I have preferred to use, when available and advisable (except when they have turned notoriously outdated), the traditional English toponyms historically applied to towns and regions of Central and Eastern Europe. Nevertheless, in the case of towns with old and historical well-known German names, until 1918 located within the boundaries of the former German Empire and Austria-Hungary and without known English forms, I have opted for the traditional German names, instead of the now official French, Italian, Slovenian, Czech, Slovak, Polish, Lithuanian or Russian forms. Only when there is no available English form or the town was not part of the Hohenzollern and Habsburg monarchies until the First World War, I have used local names.
In the case of personal names I have also tried to follow historical criteria. In the case of monarchs and dynasties I have translated the names into English, instead of using the German versions. It may be noted that only in the case of members of imperial or royal families I have used the English word «of» instead of the normal German preposition «von». Regarding nobility titles, which today are part of German family names, in the text I have preferred the English forms instead of the German ones (thus, «Count» or «Baron», instead of Graf or Freiherr). In all other cases I have used the normal German, French or English personal names. In the case of Russian names, originally in Cyrillic alphabet, there are several forms to transcribe them. Since this book is written in English, I have employed the English transliteration forms. Finally, all German, Latin, French and non-English words in general, as well as the names of institutions, will appear in Italics.
In connection with German orthography, I have intended to use, whenever possible, the traditional written forms employed in said language. Consequently, in many German words I employ the well-known sign «β». But in the case of family and geographical names I have preferred the more international «ss», which otherwise is also accepted in German in some cases. Thence, we prefer «Neisse» or «Strauss», instead of «Neiβe» or «Strauβ». Only regarding very specific geographical accidents (without English translation), or in the case of names including the word «Straβe» (Street), I have used the common German form. Regarding the letters «ä», «ö» and «ü», they are always used in the normal German terms: we employ, for instance, «Dönitz» instead of the transliteration «Doenitz»; if sometimes we use the combinations «ae» or «oe», it is only because they survived in some family names, like, for instance, «Goethe».
The work has been divided into five parts, enclosing all the relevant aspects of the so-called «deutsche Frage» or «German Question». The First Part contains the whole historical evolution prior to the defeat of the Third Reich in 1945 as well as Germany’s global development during the occupation period between 1945 and 1949. The Second Part contains the individual aspects and particular historical evolution of all those territories that at the beginning of the Second World War were considered part of Germany. Important legal information is also to be found regarding the administrative structure and the connection towards the German Reich of all said compound parts in which Germany was split or which were severed from it. The Third Part deals with the global historical evolution during forty years of division, from 1949 to 1989, at intra-German and international levels, and includes detailed information of the most relevant aspects of the intra-German contacts during the division period. And closing the historical process we encounter the Fourth Part, with the whole reunification process, between 1989 and 1990, including a brief Historical Epilogue. Finally, there is a Fifth Part where I have summarized the most interesting and important aspects related to the legal status between 1945 and 1990 of the German Reich, its capital and its eastern frontier, plus considerations regarding the Peace Treaty with Germany. For the correct understanding of the geographical aspects we have included at the end of the book a cartographic section.
The reader may notice that this work, although being a history book, leans towards the legal aspects related to internal and International Law. This is because during this period of the German Question -of which the issue of the division is the most important part, though not the only one- only the legal bounds kept Germany together. Only the internal dispositions of the FRG and West Berlin and International Law kept the German Question pending. Now we clearly see a reorganized European state named «Deutschland» or «Germany» which is exactly the same state that lost the war. Now we have a reunified Germany which exists as continuator of the defeated Reich. But for 40 years things were not so clear, and the simple observation of the apparent facts did not afford us the possibility of viewing where that Germany was. But it was there, extant, waiting only for its reappearance thanks to the constitutional dispositions of the FRG and to International Law. Legal issues were so important, that they must be analyzed as close as possible to the historical events.
One interesting aspect of this history is that it lacks those military and epic narratives so common in normal history books. There was an apocalyptic defeat in 1945, but that was all. Then our story begins, in a destroyed country, and continues for forty-five years in a forced -but still peaceful- condition. The climax was peaceful, with demonstrators in the streets but without real fighting. The reunification of Germany is an epic moment in European history by itself, yet, unlike the catastrophic defeat of the Reich in 1945, its main characters were not great generals or military strategists, but only determined and skilled politicians and negotiators. That is the history of the «German Question» between 1945 and 1990. When Constantinople fell to the Turks in 1453 the last Roman emperor died fighting bravely, supported by the last breath of a Roman state that had lasted more than 2,200 years; when the GDR disappeared after only 40 years and the reunification of Germany took place, nobody made a single action to save it and the GDR simply vanished with the wind of history. This comparison makes clearer the difference between both kinds of history.
It has been my intention to present the historical events described in this book in a clear chronological and thematic order. Unfortunately in the case of the German Question there are always two levels on which history can be narrated: 1) regarding the particular historical evolution of each compound part in which the German Reich was split after the Second World War; and 2) regarding the global frame and main historical course of the German Question. For this reason it is not possible to avoid mentioning in an initial chapter, historical developments which will be described in coming chapters or to refer reference to already mentioned and related facts. Since there are so many connected facts, and filling the pages with footnotes is contrary to the easy reading and to the reader’s concentration, it has been my aim to establish only those links considered essentially necessary for the association of important events.
As for the Bibliography, the material which I have used for gathering information includes various publications: a) Direct sources, i.e. the original texts of the documents directly related to the German Question; b) Specialized investigations and comments on these texts and on the specific legal and historical aspects of the German Question; c) International Law texts; d) History books of various kinds; and e) Source books on the philosophical and economic theories which were to intervene in Germany’s life in the Twentieth Century. This final text does not include all the gathered information, which was very extensive; actually, the earlier scripts and drafts of this book were much longer. As already mentioned, in general terms I have tried to employ original sources. This is mostly the case in connection with the allied, intra-German or international agreements, legal provisions, declarations, etc. For instance, regarding the Allied and Four-Power texts, the information sources have commonly been the official English versions; in connection with documents from the FRG or the GDR, or with Austrian or intra-German texts, the sources have been the German-language originals; the same German versions has been employed when referring to treaties between the German states and other states, for instance Poland, Czechoslovakia or the Soviet Union. In some cases I have been able to access special translations prepared by organs of the FRG, the GDR, Austria or Poland, though, when possible, I have compared them with my own translations in order to provide a coherent understanding.
My intention has been to present a coherent and organized text, as simple as possible in technical terms, regarding the problems included within the concept «German Question». As a matter of fact, with only few deviations, this book focuses on Germany alone. External affairs are obviously mentioned, but most of them only when relevant to the German Question. Sometimes I have prepared short summaries of external developments, in order to insert the reader in the global frame of political stream. Thus, the Cold War is treated as part of German history.
I would like to thank the collaboration rendered by so many people who have helped to prepare this work during all these years, along all the stages it has taken to be ready. First, I must acknowledge the assistance and guidance of Dr. Philipp Fabry, a German historian who for many years was the Director of the Alexander von Humboldt German School in Mexico City and helped me during the preparation of the initial text in Spanish. I am very grateful for his support throughout these years in which we have kept in contact. Also I must acknowledge the important help of the subsequent Ambassadors, Chargés d’Affaires, Cultural Attachés and other diplomatic personnel of the Embassy in Mexico City of the former FRG, later on also of the united Germany, who provided me with advice and indispensable materials for the preparation of this book, and moreover, gave me the opportunity to be present at the German Embassy’s official celebration on Reunification Day, and on another occasion, also to personally deliver to Federal President von Weizsäcker the first original print of my thesis. I must also thank the whole personnel who in one way or another assisted me in this book, from the embassies in Mexico City of the Republic of Austria and even of the GDR, whose Cultural Attaché gave me as much information as possible, without inquiring as to the real purposes of my investigation. Except one day when, being this kind person absent, I was received and interrogated by another embassy official who obviously belonged to the Staasi. 1 Also fundamental for my work were the libraries of Mexico City’s German School, absolutely open to me without being a student, and that of the Goethe-Institut, where besides the information of the Federal Government, I could obtain most of the first-hand material used in the completion of the book. And, finally, my eternal gratitude to the friends and collaborators who assisted me reviewing my English text.
But, before closing this introduction, I would like to ask the reader, if possible, to try to get immersed into the sad and cruel reality of the moment when this work begins. Germany is destroyed, the cities are in ruins, fugitives and retreating soldiers may be found in all the roads, more than seven million dead German nationals, millions of prisoners far from home. A country that for over a century had been a cultural focus for the whole world had become a victim of the crazy adventure which unwise leaders had started without pondering the consequences. Many countries and people had suffered as a personal and national tragedy, with millions of victims, the evil of Nazi and Communist ideologies. Please try to listen a wonderful work of sadness and despair, a real elegy for Germany written by Richard Strauss, probably the last of a long series of great German-speaking classic composers, indistinctly of Catholic, Protestant or Jewish tradition, which had started with Johann Sebastian Bach 250 years earlier. I refer to Metamorphosen, composed by the aging genius in the period around March of 1945, when the civilization he had known was vanishing and turning into ashes, when the Opera Houses and Concert Halls of Berlin, Dresden, Leipzig, Munich, Weimar, Vienna and other cities where his works had been so successfully performed or where he had once conducted orchestras, were falling victims of the European tragedy. It is an advisable starting point for this book.
Santiago, Chile, August 2019.
FIRST PART
HISTORICAL FRAME
CHAPTER I
HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
OF GERMANY‘S DIVISION
The history of the division of Germany comprises a long period of 45 years, since the defeat of the Reich in the Second World War to the reunification in 1990. But, historically, its origins must be traced back to the contacts held by the allied powers when trying to determine a future order for Europe after Germany‘s defeat. Initially nobody thought that due to said encounters and the resulting agreements the Second World War would not end legally until 45 years after weapons actually ceased to fire. But the allies, without knowing, on one hand opened the way for a long division of the vanquished enemy, but on the other one created the basis for the future reconstruction of the German central government, as we shall see in the next pages.
a) The Atlantic Charter:
The first step with the aim of achieving an understanding on the future of the world after Hitler’s defeat took place between 9 and 12 August 1941, aboard a battleship in waters near Newfoundland, at that time still British territory. The participants were Franklin Delano Roosevelt, President of the United States of America, and Winston Spencer Churchill, British Prime Minister, leaders of two countries which were not yet allies. The British Empire was since 1939 in war against Germany, and for one year (until the recent entrance if the Soviet Union into the conflict) after all its European allies had been forced to surrender, the United Kingdom and its overseas Empire had bravely fought a solitary war against the master of continental Europe. The United States, even though still neutral, for a long time had been assisting with its industrial power the war effort of the United Kingdom and of its northern neighbour the Dominion of Canada, and was trying to find a way how to enter into the war on the British side, despite huge internal opposition of the mighty isolationist sector.
On 12 August 1941 the British and U.S. governments made public the so-called «Atlantic Charter», where they expressed their position regarding the war conducted against Nazi Germany. Their countries would not seek any kind of territorial aggrandizement or territorial changes not corresponding to the free wish of the concerned populations, they would respect any government freely chosen by the world nations, and after the destruction of the Nazi regime they hoped to re-establish peace, affording all nations the right to exist safely within their own boundaries. That should mean the establishment of a world system of general security and the disarmament of all peace-threatening nations.
No long afterwards, on 24 September 1941, during the second meeting of the Inter-allied Council held at London’s Saint James Palace, the principles of the Atlantic Charter were officially adopted by the -mostly in exile- governments of Belgium, Czechoslovakia, Greece, Luxemburg, Holland, Norway, Poland, the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia, and also by General de Gaulle’s Free France. Nevertheless, this Charter was not be applied to Germany, as we shall see.
Closely connected with this Atlantic Charter, but as an empty statement, on 23 February 1942 the People’s Commissary for Defense of the Soviet Union, Iosif Stalin, issued a public declaration where he rejected press versions that the Red Army had the intention to destroy the German nation and the German state. As Stalin expressed, it was a simple lie created by reactionary forces, inasmuch as the only aim of the Soviet Union was to free its land from Nazi invaders and obviously also to finish with Hitler’s regime. But, in Stalin’s words, it did not mean destroying the German nation or the Reich, as they could not be equalled to Hitler’s government nor blamed for it, since «the experiences of history show that Hitlers come and go, but the German people, the German nation, remains». Unfortunately, this political statement was to have no practical enforcement.
b) The Casablanca Conference:
The second step in the long process was the Casablanca Conference, held between 14 and 25 January 1943 in the well-known city (immortalized in the famous motion picture of even year) located in French Morocco, territory which had recently defected from Vichy’s France and passed to the Allied side. The participants were again U.S. President Franklin D. Roosevelt and British Prime Minister Winston S. Churchill, now officially allies after the Japanese attack to Pearl Harbor and Hitler’s unwise declaration of war to the United States. General Charles de Gaulle, leader of the Free France movement, was also invited, but he declined the invitation. The main objective was to settle a common policy of both Anglo-Saxon powers in war against Germany. In this regard, concerning the position of France in the war, it must be taken into consideration that at that moment the legitimate and internationally recognized government of the country was still Marshall Pétain’s Vichy-based regime, and that General de Gaulle’s movement had only restricted recognition. Only after the Liberation of Paris in 1944 did General de Gaulle become the head of an unanimously recognized French Provisional Government.
The most important agreement reached during this Casablanca summit was the decision to prosecute the war until obtaining the «Unconditional Surrender» of Germany and Japan. Regarding Italy the agreement was not to impose said demand, basically with the purpose of leaving the way clear in case Rome decided to abandon its Axis allies, as it actually happened not long thereafter. Even though the exact meaning of this concept «Unconditional Surrender» was not clearly determined at Casablanca, it reached its final shape in the following months and at last fell without mercy on the defeated Reich. Germany and the German authorities, aware of the fate determined by the allies, tried to alter the course of history and several times attempted to reach an understanding with the western allies in order to negotiate a less humiliating peace. The failed attempt on Hitler’s life of 20 July 1944, led by members of the military nobility, sought that goal; and obviously same was the case in the unsuccessful contacts between the government of admiral Dönitz and the British and U.S. top authorities during the first week of May 1945. But fate was finally implacable with Germany and the unconditional surrender became an unavoidable outcome.
c) The Tehran Conference:
The third step in this historical process was the Tehran Conference, held in the capital of Iran (Persia) between 28 November and 1 December 1943, where for the first time U.S. President Roosevelt and British Prime Minister Churchill met with their Soviet colleague Iosif Stalin. Iran had been recently invaded by the allies and its former pro-Axis government replaced by a pro-Allied one.
President Roosevelt introduced to their colleagues a project prepared by his advisors for the division of Germany into several states: 1) Prussia, reduced in extension; 2) Hanover and Germany‘s north-western part; 3) Saxony and the Leipzig area; 4) Hesse-Darmstadt, Hesse-Cassel (with Nassau) and the Rhine’s southern sector; 5) Bavaria, Baden and Württemberg. These five sections should have self-government, but there would be two additional ones governed by the United Nations: 6) Kiel and its canal; and 7) the Ruhr basin and the Saar. This project was accepted by Stalin, but not by Churchill, who preferred, firstly to isolate Prussia and determine thereafter what to do therewith, and secondly, to separate Bavaria, the Palatinate, Baden, Württemberg and Saxony from its influence.
Parallel thereto, Churchill, not desiring the splitting of Europe into small states, proposed the possibility of establishing a Danube Confederation, probably including Austria, Bavaria, Hungary, etc. Regarding Austria, nevertheless, it had been agreed not to include it in any kind of exclusively German structure. But Stalin, who wanted the dismemberment of Europe, rejected the creation of big states in Central Europe and consequently opposed this confederation, which might have well revived the old Habsburg State.
As to Poland, for several days the three leaders discussed its future boundaries. Stalin demanded the recognition of the borders established in the German-Soviet (Ribbentrop-Molotov) Non-Aggression Pact of 1939, based on the so-called «Curzon Line», 2 what meant depriving Poland of thousands of square kilometres of its territory and of millions of inhabitants; but at the same time Stalin proposed that in exchange for that loss Poland were rewarded with German territories, advancing its western frontier to the Oder river. As Churchill himself expressed (in his own brilliant work The Second World War), in principle it was considered that the home of the Polish nation and state should be between the «so-called Curzon Line» and the Oder line, including for Poland East Prussia and Oppeln; though, in Churchill’s opinion, the final tracing of the border line should require careful study and probably exchange of populations in certain points.
As we see, regarding the Oder boundary there was no clear specification where it would start nor which affluent would be part of it, if the western Neisse (crossing Lusatia) or the eastern Neisse (between Breslau and Oppeln), but judging from the talks, the western allies understood that the discussion was regarding the second tributary. Really, the mention of the Oder-Neisse Line came only at the «Yalta Conference».
On the other hand, Stalin, who already in the conference had mentioned his country’s need of obtaining a good warm-water seaport, expressed that the Soviet Union would be satisfied in annexing the seaport of Königsberg, and, provisionally, traced a line on East Prussia’s map.
But neither the Soviet-supported U.S. plan for fractionating Germany, nor the British plan of isolating Prussia and creating a Danube Confederation (or at the same time a Danube Confederation and a Southern German state), nor the Soviet attempt of modifying Germany’s eastern frontiers, were at all considered definitive for the future, at least for the very moment. They did not appear in any official document nor were considered in the allied plans for the occupation of Germany.
d) The Morgenthau Plan:
A next -fortunately dismissed- project for dealing with the future defeated Germany was the so called «Morgenthau Plan», prepared within President Roosevelt’s closest circle. After the Tehran Conference he created a committee integrated by his Secretaries of State, Cordell Hull; War, Henry Lewis Stimson; and Treasure, Henry Morgenthau Jr.; with the purpose of analyzing a prospect for handling with Germany after the war. On 2 September 1944 Henry Morgenthau introduced a plan whose skeleton had been outlined by his under-secretary Harry Dexter White. But the plan was so extremely radical that undoubtedly aimed to dismantle all German industry and to turn the vanquished country into a simple agrarian nation, so protests were immediately raised by Secretaries Stimson and Hull. A second meeting followed on 6 September. Even though the plan remained objected, Roosevelt found some valuable aspects in it.
Between 10 and 16 September 1944, Roosevelt met in Québec (Canada) with Winston Churchill and Anthony Eden, British foreign minister, bringing Morgenthau as his advisor. There, Morgenthau introduced his plan to the British, and despite Churchill’s initial apprehensions, on 16 September both Anglo-Saxon leaders approved it. Nevertheless, the opposition by Stimson and Hull forced President Roosevelt to meditate and most of the plan had to be forgotten, even though some of its elements were kept.
According to this plan Germany had to be completely demilitarized, disarming the Wehrmacht and destroying any material or industry which might have military use. Germany should be reduced in extension: East Prussia would be divided between the Soviet Union and Poland; Poland would obtain southern Silesia; France would obtain the Saar and neighbouring regions, and its definitive border would be established on the Rhine and the Moselle; all the Ruhr Basin and its adjacent area would fall under control of the United Nations, and industrial dismantling should be carried on. The remaining part of Germany should be divided into two independent states: a North German state, comprising most of the Prussian state, with Saxony, Thuringia and other smaller states; and a South German state, comprising Bavaria, Württemberg, Baden and other small regions. Besides, Austria should be re-established as an independent state within its boundaries of 1938 and associated by a customs union to the South German state. To facilitate this procedure, the Government of the Reich and its administrative structure should be dissolved and replaced by local administrations, re-establishing the 18 existing Länder and turning also into Länder the Prussian provinces, so it that were easier to create two separate confederate-like central organs.
The restitutions and reparations should not be taken from future production, but immediately seized by means of appropriation or confiscation of German territories or German public or private goods, both in Germany and abroad. The allied occupation forces should not be in charge of the economic life of defeated Germany; Germans themselves should take care of their own reconstruction and feeding, while the allied powers would only be responsible for the economic actions indispensable for the military operations and the occupation activities. For twenty years after the unconditional surrender, the United Nations should control the development of German industries; and an ample agrarian reform should take place, dividing the large landed estates among the peasants and eliminating the still existing primogenitures. And, not long after the end of the war, the armed forces of the United States should entrust Germany’s civil administration to the armed forces of Germany’s continental neighbours (Soviets, Poles, Czechs, Belgians, French, etc.) and withdraw as soon as possible from Europe. Provisionally, until an educative reformation could take place, all German universities should be closed, though being German students permitted to go to study abroad; only elementary schools should be allowed to function, and all written German press should be temporarily suppressed.
e) The London «EAC» Protocols:
And now we approach the actually most important agreements for the establishing of an allied occupation structure in Germany, namely the two London Protocols which determined the occupation zones in Germany and the joint administration of the country during the occupation period.
Between 19 October and 1 November 1943 took place in Moscow a conference of the ministers of Foreign Affairs of the Four Great Powers in war against the Axis: Cordell Hull, from the United States; Anthony Eden, from the United Kingdom; Vyacheslav M. Molotov, from the Soviet Union; and Fu-Ping-Sheung, from China. In the course of this conference, and in order to deal with the future defeated Germany, the participants decided to create a so-called «European Advisory Commission», also known as «EAC»; it was formally established in 1944, with seat in London and integrated by representatives of the U.S., British and Soviet governments. This commission was entrusted with the task of preparing separate projects for the division of Germany and Austria into occupation zones and for the administration of both countries during the occupation period.
Regarding Germany, everything was regulated in two basic documents: 3
• the «Protocol on the Zones of Occupation in Germany and the Administration of Greater Berlin» of 12 September 1944, later modified on 14 November 1944 and on 26 July 1945; and
• the «Agreement on Control Machinery in Germany» of 14 November 1944, later modified on 1 May 1945.
Both protocols, with their extant texts, entered into force on 6 February 1945, after being approved by the Three Great at the Yalta Conference, and were confirmed by the Four Powers in their determinations of 5 June 1945.
The «Protocol on the Zones of Occupation in Germany and the Administration of Greater Berlin», in its original text of 12 September 1944, decided the division of Germany and Berlin, respectively, into occupation zones and sectors. The country would be reduced to its boundaries of 31 December 1937, being divided into three occupation zones, one per each power, and a special occupation area in Berlin under joint administration by the three powers: 4
An «Eastern Zone» was allotted to the Soviet Union, comprising the Prussian provinces of East Prussia, Pomerania, Silesia, Brandenburg and Saxony, and the Länder of Thuringia, Saxony, Mecklenburg and Anhalt. Without determining precisely which one would be allotted to the United States and which one to the United Kingdom, two other zones were established: A «North-Western Zone», comprising the territory westwards to the limit of the Eastern Zone and northwards to a line running from the encounter point of the western border of Thuringia with the Border of Bavaria and from there westwards along the southern border of the Prussian provinces of Hesse-Nassau and Rhineland, until the limit with France; and a «South-Western Zone», comprising the whole territory South of the above line and of the limit of the Eastern Zone.
«Greater Berlin», with the territory of the same-name Prussian unified municipality, whose internal and external boundaries had been determined by the Prussian municipal law of 27 April 1920, 5 would be jointly occupied by the armed forces of the Unites States, the United Kingdom and the Soviet Union, and its territory was divided into three parts: The «North-Eastern Part» of the city was immediately assigned to the Soviets, comprising the eight districts of Center (Mitte), Pankow, Prenzlauer Berg, Weisensee, Friedrichshain, Lichtenberg, Treptow and Köppenick. The other two parts, although without determining precisely which one would be assigned to the United States and which one to the United Kingdom, were perfectly delimited: the «North-Western Part» comprised the six districts of Reinickendorf, Wedding, Tiergarten, Charlottenburg, Spandau and Wilmersdorf; and the «Southern Part» comprised the six districts of Zehlendorf, Steglitz, Schöneberg, Kreuzberg, Tempelhof and Neukölln. 6
It was also agreed that each occupation zone would be under the authority of one Commander in Chief, appointed by the respective occupying power. Regarding Berlin, it was determined the creation of an Inter-Allied Governing Authority, named Kommandatura (using a Russian term), integrated by three Commandants appointed by their respective Commanders in Chief.
The first modification of this protocol, including reforms and amendments, took place on 14 November 1944. The United Kingdom received the North-Western Zone in Germany and the North-Western Part of Berlin; whereas the United States was entrusted with the South-Western Zone in Germany and the Southern Part of Berlin.
But, together with this assignment of zones, there were important modifications in their territory. The North-Western Zone (British) comprised the Prussian provinces of Hanover, Schleswig-Holstein, Westphalia and Rhineland; the free cities of Hamburg and Lübeck; the Länder of Brunswick, Oldenburg, Schaumburg-Lippe and Saar; the Bavarian Palatinate and the portion East of the Rhine of the Land of Hesse-Darmstadt. The South-Western Zone (U.S.) comprised the Prussian provinces of Hesse-Nassau and Hohenzollern; the Länder of Bavaria (without the Palatinate), Baden, Waldeck and Württemberg, and most of the Land of Hesse-Darmstadt. The Eastern Zone (Soviet) remained unchanged. Finally, as the U.S. zone had no direct access to sea, it was decided to attach to it the seaports of Bremen and Bremerhaven, which, consequently, ceased to be considered part of the North-Western Zone; whereas the British granted the Americans free transit through their occupation zone. 7
Finally, after the Yalta Agreement and the Berlin Declaration of 5 June 1945 (both to be mentioned soon) which integrated France among the group of occupation powers, the last modification of this protocol, dated 26 July 1945, took place. Thereby, France received an occupation zone in Germany and a sector in Berlin, becoming also fourth member of the capital’s High Allied Kommandatura. The French Zone in Germany, named «Western Zone», was formed by territories which had been originally allotted to the United States and the United Kingdom. The British ceded the Saar, the Bavarian Palatinate, the government districts of Coblenz and Trier (this is, the southern part of the Prussian province of Rhineland) and the portion West of the Rhine of the Land of Hesse-Nassau; while the Americans ceded the southern part of Baden, the southern part of Württemberg, the area of Lindau (belonging to Bavaria), the Prussian province of Hohenzollern and four Circuits of the Prussian province of Hesse-Nassau. The French sector in Greater Berlin was formed by the northern districts of Wedding and Reinickendorf, originally belonging to the British sector. 8
These boundaries determined by said additional protocol of July 1945 would be final, with only two changes:
• East Prussia, almost the whole of Silesia, a small fraction of Saxony (the area of Zittau) and the eastern parts of Pomerania and Brandenburg were separated from the Soviet zone, as agreed in Potsdam, and granted in administration to the Soviet Union and Poland;
• Due to bilateral agreements between the Soviet Union and the British and U.S. occupation authorities, several boundary adjustments were performed, being the most notorious the transference to the Soviet zone of the easternmost portion of the Land of Brunswick, that one adjacent to Anhalt. 9
The second EAC protocol, the «Agreement on Control Machinery in Germany», approved on 14 November 1944, was complementary to the above protocol and its aim was to regulate the behaviour and activities of the Allied Control in Germany once fulfilled the basic requirements of the unconditional surrender.
It determined that the «Supreme Authority on Germany» would be exercised by the three Commanders in Chief of the armed forces of the Three Powers, following instructions received from their respective governments, each one in his own occupation zone and all of them jointly in the matters affecting «Germany as a whole», as members of the Berlin-based supreme organ of control named «Control Council». This collective organ should hold periodical meetings at least every 10 days, taking unanimous decisions, and its Chairmanship would be held in periodical rotation by each of the three Commanders in Chief. The Control Council would ensure the appropriate uniformity of action by the Commanders in Chief in their respective occupation zones, would initiate plans and reach agreed decisions on all questions affecting «Germany as a whole», would control the German central administration and would direct the administration of Greater Berlin through the appropriate organs.
Each Commander in Chief in his own occupation zone, and for liaison duties, would have attached to him military, naval and air representatives of the other Commanders in Chief; and would be assisted by a political adviser. The Control Council would be assisted by a permanent Coordinating Committee, composed by one representative of each Commander in Chief, who, when necessary, could attend the meetings of the Control Council. This Coordinating Committee would carry out the decisions of the Control Council, would be in charge of the day-to-day supervision and control of the activities of the German central administration and institutions, would coordinate current problems requiring uniform measures in all three zones and would be in charge of preliminary examination and preparation for the Control Council of all questions submitted by the individual Commanders in Chief. For the purpose of collaborating with this Coordinating Committee a Control Staff was established, with members appointed by their own national authorities, organized in the following divisions: Military; Naval; Transport; Economics; Finance; Reparation, Deliveries and Restitution; Internal Affairs and Communications; Legal; Prisoners of War and Displaced Persons; and Manpower.
Regarding Berlin, it was decided to create the already mentioned Inter-Allied Governing Authority, the High Allied Kommandatura, consisting of three Commandants, one from each Power, appointed by their respective Commanders in Chief, to direct jointly the administration of the Greater Berlin area, operating under the general direction of the Control Council and receiving orders through its Co-ordinating Committee. Each of the Commandants would serve in rotation in the position of Chief Commandant, as Head of the Kommandatura. For supervising and controlling the activities of the local organs of Greater Berlin, this protocol established a Technical Staff, with personnel of the Three Powers, under the direct authority of the Kommandatura.
On 1 May 1945, after the Yalta Agreement, this protocol was modified, so France entered as a fourth member to the Control Council and to Berlin’s High Allied Kommandatura, and also to all control organs established in the original protocol, such as the Co-ordinating Committee and the Technical Staff. But, except these key modifications for including France, the remainder of the protocol was not altered.
But all these institutions were expressly determined only for the initial occupation period, immediately after the unconditional surrender, remaining the gate open for the future possibility of determining, by means of a coming agreement among the occupation powers, the future allied organs which would be entrusted with the responsibility of exercising the functions of control and administration in Germany during a second occupation period.
Even though the two EAC London Protocols were the legal basis for the allied period of occupation in Germany, the new map of Europe and Germany was drawn in two tripartite conferences, which did not follow exactly the boundaries fixed by the EAC nor respected the previous British and U.S. agreements regarding Europe’s fate nor the Soviet initial expressions of freedom for the liberated or conquered countries.
f) The Yalta Conference:
The first of these fatal summits was the so called «Yalta Conference», held between 4 and 11 February 1945, when the European war was evidently coming to an end, in the namesake city (once summer resort of the Russian imperial family and later on of communist party high officials) in the Crimean peninsula. That is the reason why it is also named «Crimea Conference». Participants were, like in Tehran, U.S. President Franklin D. Roosevelt, British Prime Minister Winston S. Churchill, and the Chairman of the Council of People‘s Commissars of the Soviet Union, Iosif Stalin. It would be the last summit of the three leaders, because Roosevelt, seriously ill, would die on 12 April of that same year. The agreements would be immortalized in two documents issued together with the closing of the conference: the officially named «Report on the Crimea Conference», also known as «Yalta Declaration», and the «Protocol on the Proceedings of the Crimea Conference» or «Yalta Protocol».
The Three Powers reaffirmed their mutual objective of obtaining all jointly the victory over Germany and regarded as pointless any resistance attempt by the German people, because, as being Germany condemned to total defeat, its hopeless resistance would only increase the cost of such defeat. The Three Powers would take over the «Supreme Authority» on Germany and –as agreed by the EAC- the country would be divided into three occupation zones with a Berlin-based central authority, integrated by the Commanders in Chief of the Three Powers. But it was also agreed that France, if so desired, should be invited by the Three Powers to take responsibility over a fourth occupation zone, becoming a fourth member of the Allied Control Council. The extent of the new French zone, taken exclusively from British and U.S. occupation territories, should be determined by the EAC in accordance with the French Provisional Government. The Soviet Union categorically refused to allot to France any territory belonging to its occupation zone, so the United Kingdom and the United States were forced to create, from their own territories, the French occupation zone in Germany and the French sector in Berlin. Also, the parties officially agreed -if they deemed it a requisite for future peace and security- to take the necessary steps for Germany’s dismemberment, and for that purpose they created a special committee, which fortunately never reached any agreement in said regard.
They expressed their wish to annihilate Nazism and Germany‘s militarism for ever, to demilitarize Germany and its institutions and to dismantle the German General Staff, to remove or destroy German military equipment and industry of military use, to judge and punish war criminals, to exact reparations in kind as compensation for the destruction wrought by the Germans, to remove the Nazi party and its ideology from Germany and finally to extirpate from German life all Nazi or militarist influence. But, on the contrary, they denied that their aim was to destroy the German people, though it was clearly expressed that only after the extirpation of Nazism and militarism there would be a hope of a decent life for Germans and a place for them in the community of nations.
Regarding the reparations, it was decided to establish a Moscow-based special commission with the purpose of determining the total amount of German-inflicted damages, the adequate compensations and the proceeding to indemnify the losses. The first countries to receive such compensations would be those who had suffered the heaviest losses and had actively participated in the war against Germany. The payments would be carried on by almost immediate removal of German property (equipment, machine-tools, ships, rolling stock, German investments abroad, shares of industrial or transport enterprises, etc.) located in Germany and abroad; annual deliveries of goods from the current production; and use of German labour force. Americans and Soviets proposed as a reparation amount US$20,000 million, 50% of which should go to the Soviet Union; but the British considered that for the moment it was more convenient not to mention reparation amounts, and at last this posture prevailed.
In connection with Poland, among other matters it was decided to establish its eastern frontier along the so called «Curzon Line», with digressions therefrom in some regions of five to eight kilometres in favour of Poland. The parties recognized that as consequence of said loss, Poland should receive substantial accessions of territory in the North and in the West, so this matter ought to be consulted with the recently established Polish Provisional Government of National Unity. Nevertheless, it was expressly stated that the final delimitation of the western frontier of Poland should thereafter await the Peace Treaty with Germany.