Various

Connecticut Wide-Awake Songster

Published by Good Press, 2022
goodpress@okpublishing.info
EAN 4064066137243

Table of Contents


THE REPUBLICAN PLATFORM.
LINCOLN AND VICTORY.
STRIKE FOR THE RIGHT.
HURRAH CHORUS.
HURRAH FOR ABE LINCOLN!
LINCOLN AND LIBERTY.
THE PEOPLE’S NOMINEE.
FLAG OF THE BRAVE.
COME ON!
ABE OF ILLINOIS.
OUR COUNTRY’S CALL.
THE GRAND RALLY.
LINCOLN GOING TO WASHINGTON.
FOR FREEDOM AND REFORM.
LINCOLN AND HAMLIN.
CAMPAIGN SONG.
RIDDEN BY THE SLAVE POWER.
“VIVE LA HONEST ABE.”
THE GATHERING OF THE REPUBLICAN ARMY.
LINCOLN’S NOMINATION.
FREEDOM’S CALL.
HOPE FOR THE SLAVE.
FREEMEN WIN WHEN LINCOLN LEADS,
UNCLE SAM’S FARM.
SONG OF FREEDOM.
THE “NEB-RASCALITY.”
I.
II., III., IV.
V.
VI.
VII.
FREE SOIL CHORUS.
THE BAY STATE HURRAH.
FOR LIBERTY.
VOICE OF FREEDOM.
THE CAUSE OF LIBERTY.
LINCOLN, THE PRIDE OF THE NATION.
RALLYING SONG.
ABE LINCOLN IS THE MAN.
THE FATE OF A FOWLER.
RALLYING SONG OF ROCKY MOUNTAIN CLUB.
THE LIBERTY ARMY.
HAVE YOU HEARD THE LOUD ALARM?
HARK! YE FREEMEN.
FROM BAD TO WORSE.
THE MARCH OF THE FREE.
OUR FLAG IS THERE.
LINCOLN AND VICTORY!
“WIDE AWAKE.”
WE’LL SEND BUCHANAN HOME.
RALLYING SONG.
LINCOLN.
SONG.
CAMPAIGN SONG.
FREEMEN, BANISH ALL YOUR FEARS.
“WIDE-AWAKE CLUB” SONG.
A JOLLY GOOD CREW WE’LL HAVE.
The New York Tribune.
THE NEW YORK DAILY TRIBUNE
THE NEW YORK SEMI-WEEKLY TRIBUNE
THE NEW YORK WEEKLY TRIBUNE,

THE
REPUBLICAN PLATFORM.

Table of Contents

Resolved, That we, the delegated representatives of the Republican electors of the United States, in convention assembled, in the discharge of the duty we owe to our constituents and our country, unite in the following declarations:

First—That the history of the nation, during the last four years, has fully established the propriety and necessity of the organization and perpetuation of the Republican party, and that the causes which called it into existence are permanent in their nature, and now, more than ever before, demand its peaceful and constitutional triumph.

Second—That the maintenance of the principles promulgated in the Declaration of Independence, and embodied in our federal Constitution, is essential to the preservation of our Republican institutions, and that the federal Constitution, the rights of the States, and the Union of the States must and shall be preserved.

Third—That to the Union of the States this nation owes its unprecedented increase in population; its surprising development of material resources; its rapid augmentation of wealth; its happiness at home and its honor abroad, and we hold in abhorrence all schemes for disunion, come from whatever source they may; and we congratulate the country that no Republican member of Congress has uttered or countenanced a threat of disunion, so often made by Democratic members of Congress, without rebuke and with applause from their political associates; and we denounce those threats of disunion, in case of a popular overthrow of their ascendancy, as denying the vital principles of a free government, and as an avowal of contemplated treason, which it is the imperative duty of an indignant people strongly to rebuke and forever silence.

Fourth—That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and especially the right of each State to order and control its own domestic institutions, according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our political faith depend, and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed force of any state or territory, no matter under what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes.

Fifth—That the present Democratic administration has far exceeded our worst apprehensions, in its measureless subserviency to the exactions of a sectional interest, as is especially evident in its desperate exertions to force the infamous Lecompton Constitution upon the protesting people of Kansas—in construing the personal relation between master and servant, to involve an unqualified property in persons—in its attempted enforcement everywhere, on land and sea, through the intervention of Congress and the federal courts, of the extreme pretensions of a purely local interest, and in its general and unvarying abuse of the power intrusted to it by a confiding people.

Sixth—That the people justly view with alarm the reckless extravagance which pervades every department of the federal government; that a return to rigid economy and accountability is indispensable to arrest the system of plunder of the public treasury by favored partisans; while the recent startling developments of fraud and corruption at the federal metropolis show that an entire change of administration is imperatively demanded.

Seventh—That the new dogma that the constitution of its own force carries slavery into any or all the territories of the United States, is a dangerous political heresy, at variance with the explicit provisions of that instrument itself, with contemporaneous exposition, and with legislative and judicial precedent, is revolutionary in its tendency, and subversive of the peace and harmony of the country.

Eighth—That the normal condition of all the territory of the United States is that of freedom; that as our republican fathers, when they had abolished slavery in all our national territory, ordained that no person should be deprived of life, liberty, or property without due process of law, it becomes our duty, by legislation, whenever legislation is necessary, to maintain this provision of the constitution against all attempts to violate it; and we deny the authority of Congress, of a territorial legislature, or of any individuals, to give legal existence to slavery in any territory of the United States.

Ninth—That we brand the recent reopening of the African slave trade, under the cover of our national flag, aided by perversions of judicial power, as a crime against humanity, a burning shame to our country and age, and we call upon Congress to take prompt and efficient measures for the total and final suppression of that execrable traffic.

Tenth—That in the recent vetoes by their federal governors of the acts of the Legislature of Kansas and Nebraska, prohibiting slavery in those territories, we find a practical illustration of the boasted Democratic principle of non-intervention and popular sovereignty, embodied in the Kansas and Nebraska bill, and a denunciation of the deception and fraud involved therein.

Eleventh—That Kansas should of right be immediately admitted as a State under the constitution recently formed and adopted by her people, and accepted by the House of Representatives.

Twelfth—That while providing revenue for the support of the general government, by duties upon imposts, sound policy requires such an adjustment of these imposts as to encourage the development of the industrial interest of the whole country, and we commend that policy of national exchanges which secures to the workingmen liberal wages, to agriculture remunerating prices, to mechanics and manufacturers an adequate reward for their skill, labor, and enterprise, and to the nation commercial prosperity and independence.

Thirteenth—That we protest against any sale or alienation to others of the public lands held by actual settlers, and against any view of the free homestead policy, which regards the settlers as paupers or supplicants for public bounty, and we demand the passage by Congress of the complete and satisfactory homestead measure, which has already passed the house.

Fourteenth