„The Swiss have shown spectacularly that there
is a difference between what is said at the local pub,
and the opinion of the people."
Heiko Maas, German foreign minister
Bibliografïsche Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek: Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie; detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über www.dnb.de abrufbar.
Cover design, DTP: Studio Grafpa, www.grafpa.pl
© 2019 Miroslaw Matyja
Herstellung und Verlag:
BoD – Books on Demand GmbH, Norderstedt
ISBN: 978-37-494039-1-2
FOR MY FAMILY
Multicultural, poor in natural resources, and mountainous, Switzerland has existed, essentially, in an unchanged form since the second half of the 19th C. In Switzerland, it is not one's slogans, origins, wealth, or skin colour that matter but, rather sound arguments and the protection of citizens. After 1848, when the Swiss constitution was adopted, and the current political system was established, Switzerland transformed from a backwards and poor nation into a society that still enjoys an unparalleled wealth and political stability. Due to bold systemic and institutional solutions, based on the instruments of direct democracy, as well as an advantageous economic situation and unique historical circumstances, Switzerland and its numerous ethnic, linguistic, and religious minorities, is able to deal efficiently with both internal and external conflicts.
The political doctrines of various countries emphasise that the idea of their direct democracy is mainly associated with the political system of ancient Athens and other Greek city-states. Today, however, it would probably be more precise to use the term "half-direct democracy", since it rarely happens that the two conditions that define democracy are rarely fulfilled. These conditions are: the unity of place and time, and the collective participation of the sovereign subject1 in all stages of political decision-making (from the initial proposal of a draft to the final adoption of a bill). If we, however, consider the fact that the sovereign's2 voice is the ultimate power in political decision-making, then the vast majority of the instruments that enable Swiss citizens to actively participate in this can be thought of as direct democracy.
Direct democracy has wielded an enormous influence on the history of Switzerland and its citizens. Nothing unites people more than the awareness of the fundamental value of their democratic independent rights and the protection of the jointly acquired wealth. This raises the following question: why has Switzerland – a wealthy country, located in the centre of Europe, with a long multi-cultural tradition– chosen such an unprecedented way of development?
While some people consider it a utopia, others see it as a real chance for a better future for Poland and hold to the idea as fast as they can. The idea we are talking about is direct democracy, a grassroots form of exercising power and a political system in which it is the citizens (the sovereign) that have the deciding voice regarding Poland's crucial issues.
It is generally believed that the Polish nation is not equal to this form of governance; that Poles are foolish and incapable of making binding decisions. According to this belief, they have no clue about politics, and all they do is consume goods secured for them by the ruling class, i.e., politicians whose most important quality is that they are a part of the system, regardless whether they lean left or right. The people in power are considered different than citizens – they have proper qualifications, experience, they bear responsibility for the country, and, above all, it is them who were elected in order to govern.
The idea of the average citizen deciding on the matters of the state is at odds with Polish reality. That is why direct democracy is considered here a utopia... But is that exactly the case? And where did the idea of grassroots governance, which a growing number of citizens considers as a chance for a better future, come from?
Well, politics is similar to sports: impossible is nothing. We remember perfectly that even in the '70s virtually no one in Poland believed that we would free ourselves from the chains of communism. Central planning and everyday dullness were meant to last forever. In the end, it turned out that the change of the political system – and the form of governance – was in fact possible and became a reality.
Sadly, however, the very concept of political authority is grossly misunderstood in Poland. It is generally believed that the ones in authority are unique individuals, the chosen ones, or celebrities elected to decide about our fortune or misfortune. Yet, the concept does not simply refer to individuals or cliques in power, but to a process of domination of one group over other. That is why Polish society could, and should, be its own authority since it is the sovereign and the owner of the Polish state.
Why is it then that in Poland 40 million people are ruled by a small, exclusive group?
The aim of this book is to propose a model of grassroots governance in Poland and to show that it is not a utopia, but (maybe) a historical chance for our country. It is important to mention here that we are not arguing for a revolution, but rather for an evolution of the Polish political system. It is an attempt to find a better and more efficient form of functioning of the Polish state that would make it closer to citizens.
The current Polish semi-democracy is criticised every day, and rightly so. Up to now, however, there has not been proposed any model that would include Polish society – as the sovereign – in the decision-making process and provide an alternative to the elitist, top-down mode of governance.
The goal of this work is to present a complementary model of the political system for Poland that introduces forms of grassroots democracy. The project is based mainly on the experience of the Swiss direct democracy, which means that the proposed solutions have already been tested and certainly are not utopian.
While reading the book, please do remember one thing: sharing the political power with citizens is not a charity on the part of the ruling class – it is a democratic right of the sovereign, i.e., the citizens.
1 Being a sovereign subject means having the ability to exercise power over a given territory, a group of people, or oneself in an autonomous, independent manner. Sovereignty of the state includes autonomy in both internal and external matters [author's note].
2 A sovereign is a political entity that exercises supreme, independent power [author's note].
The Swiss success is a result of many political, economic, social, and psychological factors that, essentially, have aligned perfectly throughout the country's past.
First, Switzerland is a nation founded upon a political will, otherwise it would not have been possible to establish such a state comprised of different ethnic, linguistic, and religious minorities. From the very beginning of the Swiss statehood, the will of its founders and the principle of compromise has been its determining factor. For the communes and the cantons were not only different but also at odds with each other. It was the political will, the attitude of compromise, and, consequently, the acceptance of one's political opponents' opinions that became the foundation of this system of direct democracy. If it had not been for these national traits, the Swiss would have never succeeded politically and economically. These traits evolved throughout centuries of poverty, constant threats from neighbouring powers, and a multicultural coexistence marked by a long tradition of independent self-determination. The Swiss government (the Federal Council) is formed collectively and in a way that acknowledges the whole diverse spectrum of the Swiss. As a result, it is very difficult to quickly change any law since every bill may be put to the vote in a nationwide referendum. Thus, it is essentially impossible to suddenly change the political direction of Switzerland.
Second, the French occupation at the turn of the 18th and 19th C. had a positive effect on the development of the Swiss statehood. There are many examples from European and world history which suggest that being conquered, invaded, or occupied may foster the evolution of state's institutions and society's unification. A similar process happened with Switzerland when Napoleon took the full control of the country. As a consequence, a model of a state was established, which combined the Swiss tradition of grass-roots democracy with – due to Napoleon's influence – the principles of a law-governed state.3
Third, another factor that has positively influenced the development of the Swiss state is its neutrality. During the Congress of Vienna, in 1815, Switzerland gained the status of a permanently neutral power.4 In its constitution of 1848, the country sanctioned its neutrality and defined the principle of the cantons' autonomy. It was a turning point in the history of Switzerland since it used to be fragmented by religious wars and inter-cantonal conflicts. Instead of joining international conflicts, the country focused on the protection of its borders and the preservation of internal order. The First World War was a real challenge for Switzerland. Although the country was neutral, the Swiss people expressed various sympathies, depending on their region. The Swiss who lived in French and Italian regions supported the Allied Powers, whereas the majority of the German regions supported the Central Powers. It was obvious that violating the conditions of neutrality and joining the conflict would cause a bloody civil war and the potential disintegration of the country. That is why the government constantly invoked the Swiss ideals and appealed for a national unity. Switzerland emerged victorious from that trial. The First World War, which devasted nearly the whole of Europe, had little impact on the country.
During the Second World War, Switzerland also remained neutral – mainly due to its advantageous geopolitical situation, well-equipped militia-type army, and its reliable banking industry that respected the principle of banking secrecy.
Fourth, an essential factor in the evolution of the democratic system of Switzerland is the wealth of the country. It is well-known that political stability is key to the economic development of a country, but economic growth and wealth also guarantee political stability. The maintenance of the system of direct democracy is highly expensive. This raises the following question: where did the wealth of this small, Alpine, and landlocked country that lacks natural resources come from?
The economic structure of Switzerland is based mainly on the chemical and precision tool industries, tourism, export-oriented farming, banking and financial services. In the early Middle Ages, Alpine highlanders gave up farming and focused on breeding dairy animals, as well as the production of milk and cheese. That is one reason why Switzerland has become famous for its cheese and chocolate.
After the religious conflicts in Europe, French Huguenots came to Geneva, which was dominated by the ideas of John Calvin at that time. Since they specialised in watchmaking, their arrival marked the beginning of the Swiss watchmaking industry. Almost instantly, the Swiss started to export watches to wealthier European countries.
In the 19th C. the Swiss Alps were discovered by wealthy Brits. They were the first ones to conquer the summits of the country and so began the age of tourism in Switzerland.
Towards the end of the 19th C., in the industrial age, the textile industry was developed, which paved the way for chemical, mechanical, and pharmaceutical industries. The Swiss industry lacked any patent protection which, in partnership with low import duties, resulted in the higher competitiveness of Swiss products. In 1934, banking secrecy was introduced as a natural step in the development of the financial sector. These conditions, extremely favourable for economic growth, fostered the political stability of the country and attracted numerous immigrants, among whom were many entrepreneurs.
The real economic boom in Switzerland, however, started after the Second World War, when Europe, destroyed in the conflict, began raising itself from the ruins. Since the Swiss economy and industry were unaffected by the war, the country began a largescale export industry to its devastated neighbours: Germany, France, and Italy. The Cold War also proved to be advantageous since many Western politicians and businessmen, as well as the "red aristocracy" of Eastern Europe and dictators from around the world used to deposit their money in the Swiss banks.
Fifth, the Swiss are diligent and take responsibility for their lives and communities. They are stereotypically called a "police nation" because they meticulously guard their common good. Due to the fact that they take decisions concerning every area of their lives, they treat public property as their own. This attitude is reflected in politics, which is practiced most actively on the communal level. The Swiss learn about their joint responsibility for the common good from childhood and, as a result, become highly politically aware adults. The decisions made through referenda are not hasty but, rather, well thought out and based on the sense of common responsibility for oneself, the state, and the future generations.
The centuries of poverty shaped the diligent attitude of the Helvetic nation. The Swiss value work and cultivate the idea of it. Polls show that work is not only the source of wealth but also satisfaction. Moreover, the Swiss tend to value functionality over luxury. They are rarely impressed by material goods, and even if so, they do not show it. The responsibility for the common good is much more important than wealth, and work is a value in itself, not just a source of income.
Sixth, it is often forgotten how important the role of education is in the socio-political development of a country. In Switzerland, education is, not accidentally, considered to be a national treasure. The schooling system follows the idea of pragmatism and is based on two types of schools: general and vocational. Choosing one of them does not exclude the possibility of continuing one's education in the other in the future. For example, if a student graduates from a secondary vocational school, he may also complete a one-year skills improvement course and study an entirely different field. That is why the Swiss say that one can accomplish one's goals regardless of the initially chosen educational path. Furthermore, students do not learn business skills in higher-level schools but through practice. It is interesting that vocational and trade schools are more popular than the ones providing general education.
Seventh, the mentality of the Swiss plays a crucial role in developing and maintaining the system of direct democracy. Seemingly uninteresting, their mentality is characterised by calmness, composure, apparent slowness, acceptance of authority, punctuality and meticulousness.
It may seem strange to a foreigner that the Swiss direct democracy has proven to be one of the most stable political systems in the world. It would seem that giving the reins of the state to the people is a recipe for a financial disaster. However, the numerous examples of the Swiss referenda prove otherwise. Swiss citizens often have to take decisions on very bold and untypical matters such as: the extension of paid leave to six weeks, the introduction of unconditional basic income, or the dissolution of the Swiss army. The Swiss have proved that they are capable of governing their country wisely and far-sightedly without giving in to unrealistic slogans and visions.
To sum up, due to the following factors: centuries-old civil socialisation, political will of the nation, discipline and diligence, responsibility for oneself and the state, tendency to compromise, advantageous geopolitical situation, mentality, and education, the Swiss have worked out a functional political system that has no counterpart in today's world.
3 A law-governed state is a state in which democratically made laws have the supreme position in the political system. It binds those who exercise power and demarcates their authority while granting citizens a number of rights and liberties. In a law-governed state, government agencies and institutions may operate only within the limits of law, whereas citizens may do anything that is not forbidden by law [author's note].
4 A permanently neutral power is a state that remains neutral towards the participants in all future wars. It is not sufficient to declare neutrality in order to gain the status. Such a neutrality must be recognised by other members of the international community. Permanent neutrality is established through an international treaty or a decision of a given state acknowledged by the international community [author's note].
The history of Switzerland is undoubtedly the key to understanding the country's political system and the mechanisms of its institutions. The historical development of the Swiss political system is characterized by unique solutions despite the fact that – when compared to other countries – its history is rather short and "poor".
In ancient times, the area of the modern Swiss state was populated by Rhaetian and Celtic tribes. The name Helvetia comes from the Helvetii, the representatives of a Celtic tribe that settled in the Aare valley. However, the beginnings of modern Switzerland date back to the 1st of August, 1291, when three cantons – Uri, Schwyz, and Unterwalden – formed a confederation5 and made an alliance in order to jointly defend their lands against the Habsburgs. In this way, a so-called eternal union was made that would later become the foundation of the Swiss state.
This pact, known as Eidgenosenschaft – i.e., "a union made under an oath" – was confirmed by a special declaration, the so-called Federal Letter, which was also the first political act of the Swiss Confederacy. The citizens of the cantons, i.e., the signatories of the pact, expressed their belief regarding the alliance's permanence and declared mutual aid in defending their liberty and sovereignty. They also pledged not to recognize any settlements imposed on them by an external power and to settle any disputes by peaceful arbitration. At first, the document was classified. Its content was not revealed before the battle of Morgarten in 1315.6 Later, it was lost and eventually found in an archive in Stans in 1760. The document was translated and published in German.
Throughout the subsequent centuries Switzerland's statehood developed, the Swiss political system underwent many changes, and the additional cantons and communes that joined the confederation retained their sovereignty.
A turning point in the history of Switzerland occurred in the late 18th C. when the French army, led by Napoleon Bonaparte, occupied its territory and destroyed the existing political and social order.
The direct cause for the French army's invasion were the inter-cantonal riots. In July 1798, undoubtedly influenced by the French Revolution, the citizens of the canton of Waadt – threatened by the authorities of the canton of Berne – sought the help of the Napoleonic army. After the fighting, Berne and the whole Switzerland was conquered by the French. On the 12th of April, 1798, in the city of Aarau, the constitution of the so-called Helvetic Republic was officially proclaimed. Based on the French model, it was established as a centralized, unitary state.7 Drawn up in Paris, the constitution was an attempt at combining the progressive and enlightened ideas born by the French Revolution with the concept of a state, governed top-down, which – up to then – was a notion completely foreign to federal Switzerland. The changes introduced by the constitution of the Helvetic Republic were essential to the cantons' status and limited their competencies. The union of sovereign countries was replaced with a unitary state without any borders between the cantons, which, following the French example, were renamed as "departments".
In the summer of 1802, the French army withdrew from the Helvetic Republic by the order of Napoleon Bonaparte. The reasons were the Swiss' growing protests and the cold calculation of Napoleon himself, who expected the French to soon come back to the Republic as the saviours of a divided country.
After the French left, the Swiss could independently make attempts at reforming their state. However, even adopting the so-called Second Constitution of the Helvetic Republic did not put an end to the internal unrest and riots. The whole of Switzerland was ridden with rebellions and conflicts. The advocates of the cantons' sovereignty and the federal structure of the state rose to prominence. Due to this, on the 19th of February, 1803, Napoleon imposed upon Switzerland a new constitution – the so-called Act of Mediation – which revived the principle of federalism. The Act came fully into effect on the 10th of March, 1803, bringing an end to the Helvetic Republic and, as a result, recreating the former administrative structure of the state.
Therefore, the political system imposed by France did not survive long. Centralising a confederation of free states proved to be impossible. On the other hand, the Act of Mediation turned out more durable with its effects still visible even in 1848, when the new constitution was being prepared.8
The Act limited the competencies of the federal authorities to the following domains: foreign policy, military, ratifying tariffs, and mediation in inter-cantonal conflicts. At the beginning of the 19th C., these competencies belonged to the assembly of the cantons' representatives, and in the period between its sessions they belonged to the Landmann (the president), who also represented Switzerland abroad. At that time, however, the confederation's foreign policy was still strictly dependent on France.
It should be pointed out that the time during which the Act of Mediation had been in effect, the confederation experienced a political stabilisation. Due to being strongly dependent on France, however, Switzerland was highly sensitive to political events in other countries. The fall of Napoleon in 1814 also marked the end of the political system based on the Act of Mediation. The first half of the 19th C., until 1848, was a very difficult era for Switzerland. Great changes that occurred in the areas of politics, society, economy, and technology transformed the country's and its people's life.
The decision regarding the further status of the confederation was made at the Congress of Vienna, during which, on the 20th of March, 1815, the then Swiss state was granted neutrality and inviolability of its territory. The European powers agreed that a neutral Switzerland would be a perfect buffer zone between France and Austria, thus, contributing to the political stability in Europe. In the meantime, Switzerland regained its confederation's territories and, on the 7th of August, 1815, the 22 federated states signed an agreement – an inter-cantonal pact – that made Switzerland a federation,9 as opposed to its previous status as confederation.10
Around 1830, political thinking changed to be more favourable to the idea of returning to a centralised state. There were also attempts at discrediting the inter-cantonal pact and the assembly of the cantons' representatives.